Studies on ethnic interest groups are contributing to better understand the US foreign policy. By reviewing this literature, we noticed that establishing causal claims in this field has proved challenging due to methodological issues. Many authors draw conclusions focusing exclusively on ethnic groups without taking into account the full complexity of political processes. This work consists in the application of the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to this subject, aiming to overcome previous limitations by analyzing the links between ethnic groups and other agents. To that end, we undertook the case study here reported of the role played by Indian–Americans to advance the 2008 nuclear agreement between the United States and India through Capitol Hill. Employing deductive process tracing based on the ACF's structure, we demonstrate the relevance of the links between Indian–Americans and other groups to better understand how this agreement came to be approved.
Este ensaio pretende explicar a falta de movimentos antinucleares robustos na Índia durante um período que vai desde os anos 1950 até aos anos 1970. Tais movimentos surgiram em todo o mundo. Durante os anos 60, as pessoas mobilizaram-se para esta agenda nos Estados Unidos, França, Reino Unido, e mesmo na Nova Zelândia. A Índia, por outro lado, testou seu dispositivo nuclear em 1974, no conhecido teste de Pokhran-I (ou "Smiling Buddah") mas não enfrentou uma contestação popular sobre tal matéria. Neste sentido, a presente pesquisa teve como objetivo aplicar uma análise de congruência dedutiva construída com base numa revisão bibliográfica. Um estudo de caso sobre o contexto indiano testou hipóteses previamente elaboradas. Foi inferido que este fenômeno foi causado por quatro elementos: (a) poucas possibilidades de participação pública; (b) pouca informação disponível sobre política nuclear; (c) falta de cisma político entre as elites nacionais e a sociedade civil sobre este tema; e, por fim, (d) dinâmica geopolítica. ; This essay aims to explain the lack of robust antinuclear movements in India during a period that ranges from the 1950s to the 1970s. Such movements arose throughout the world. During the 1960s, people rallied for this agenda in the United States, France, the United Kingdom, and even in New Zealand. India, on the other hand, tested a nuclear device in 1974, at the known Pokhran-I test (or "Smiling Buddha"), but did not face such grassroots uprisings. In this sense, this research design applied a deductive congruence analysis built on a bibliographical review. A case study on the Indian context tested previously elaborated the main hypotheses. It was inferred that this phenomenon was caused by four elements: (a) few possibilities to public participation; (b) scant available information on nuclear policy; (c) lack of a political schism between national elites and civil society on this topic; and at last (d) geopolitical dynamics.
Resumo O presente artigo examina a literatura existente sobre a atuação de grupos de interesse étnicos dentro da formulação da política externa dos Estados Unidos. Esta pesquisa foi dividida em duas partes: a) problematização da questão do interesse nacional e a atuação de grupos com lealdades compartilhadas entre os Estados Unidos e outros países que ainda lhes apresentam laços familiares; e b) sistematização das principais características, apontadas pela bibliografia, sobre o engajamento político das comunidades diaspóricas. Dessa forma, procura-se agregar ao debate existentes sobre o tema dentro da academia brasileira, o qual ainda é escasso e centrados na atuação dos grupos judaicos e, com menor ênfase, dos cubano-americanos.
Abstract In this article, we assess the methodological approaches employed in articles published in Brazilian and global mainstream IR journals in order to observe the differences between the two. To this end, we compare the methodological tools applied in research articles published in the top two Brazilian journals (Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional and Contexto Internacional) vis-à-vis two other top international influential mainstream publications (International Organization and World Politics), from the year 2009 to 2019. By undertaking a Systematic Literature Review, we surveyed a total of 955 articles. Our research concluded that Brazilian IR scholarship differs from the mainstream literature because (1) most articles do not mention the mobilized methods during their analyses, (2) the field of IR presents more non- and post-positivist approaches, and (3) contrary to the mainstream outlets, quantitative methods are rarely employed in Brazil.
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, abbreviated to Quad, comprises Australia, the United States, Japan, and India. Although many think tanks and media outlets have written about recommendations to further this initiative, this essay believes the Quad is only evidence of a rising patchwork of small strategical dialogues within the Indo-Pacific region. The aims here are twofold: (a) to demonstrate the definitions and relevance of the Quad amid the soaring rivalry in the Indo-Pacific; and (b) to grasp this initiative as a "minilateral"grouping, which is settled in a more informal structure than multilateral institutions. In assessing these hypotheses, this research employs a qualitative content analysis of official statements and documents about the Quad meeting and national policies toward the Indo-Pacific. A systematic bibliographical review was applied to refine theoretical frameworks and to triangulate sources. In conclusion, this paper infers the Quad is not as ambitious and strong as previous literature claimed. These four members developed divergent interests in the Indo-Pacific; thereby, an alliance against China seems unlikely. ; O Diálogo Quadrilateral de Segurança, abreviado para Quad, é composto pela Austrália, Estados Unidos, Japão e Índia. Embora muitos think tanks e meios de comunicação tenham promovido recomendações para essa iniciativa, este artigo acredita que o Quad é apenas uma evidência de uma crescente rede de pequenos diálogos estratégicos na região Indo-Pacífico. Os objetivos aqui são duplos: (a) demonstrar as definições e a relevância do Quad em meio à crescente rivalidade no Indo-Pacífico; e (b) compreender essa iniciativa como um agrupamento "minilateral", estabelecido em uma estrutura mais informal que propriamente instituições multilaterais. Ao avaliar essas hipóteses, esta pesquisa emprega uma análise qualitativa de conteúdo de declarações e documentos oficiais sobre a reunião da Quad e políticas nacionais para o Indo-Pacífico. Uma revisão bibliográfica sistemática foi aplicada para ...
The paper aims to understand Brazilian position in relation to Asia and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), based on a review of the bibliography and journalistic articles on Brazil-Asia subject and an observance of official data of the Brazilian economy. Since Dilma Rousseff until Michel Temer's government, Brazil has facing a troubled political and economic scenario, which negatively impacts on its diplomacy. Although Brazil reaffirmed its commitment with global strategic partnership with China in terms of trade flows, the lack of Brazilian participation on issues of global political nature directly impacts on the way in which Brasilia moved its attention to the BRI and to the Asian affairs. The ambitious proportions and objectives of the BRI summed to the rise of a nationalist economic policy of the United States indicate a deepening of several movements that have been changing the international balance of power, which can offer opportunities for Brazil, by means of a cohesive long-term policy for Asia and in a multifaceted way beyond trade.
The paper aims to understand Brazilian position in relation to Asia and Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), based on a review of the bibliography and journalistic articles on Brazil-Asia subject and an observance of official data of the Brazilian economy. Since Dilma Rousseff until Michel Temer's government, Brazil has facing a troubled political and economic scenario, which negatively impacts on its diplomacy. Although Brazil reaffirmed its commitment with global strategic partnership with China in terms of trade flows, the lack of Brazilian participation on issues of global political nature directly impacts on the way in which Brasilia moved its attention to the BRI and to the Asian affairs. The ambitious proportions and objectives of the BRI summed to the rise of a nationalist economic policy of the United States indicate a deepening of several movements that have been changing the international balance of power, which can offer opportunities for Brazil, by means of a cohesive long-term policy for Asia and in a multifaceted way beyond trade.
This essay aims to focus on the initial perspectives about Brazil's foreign policy and strategic thinking on how to cope with the rise of China's economic and political might since the inauguration of Jair Bolsonaro's administration. Bolsonaro demonstrates an interest in approach to the United States' grievances against China. This paper advocate this strategy faces some hurdles: geographical and economic issues constrain countries such as Australia, India, and Japan to assume assertive instances against China, although they present uneasiness with the Chinese regional ambitions and Washington's demands of a more active role in the Indo-Pacific. These countries compose with the United States the so-called Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, an initiative that seeks to facilitate their policy coordination towards the Indo-Pacific. However, Canberra, Tokyo, and New Delhi uphold a pragmatic strategy in order to maintain their special ties with the United States and to avoid skirmishes with Beijing.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; China; Indo-Pacific.RESUMOEste ensaio pretende focar nas perspectivas iniciais sobre a política externa e o pensamento estratégico do Brasil sobre como lidar com a ascensão do poder econômico e político da China desde a posse do governo de Jair Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro demonstra interesse em se aproximar das queixas dos Estados Unidos contra a China. Este artigo defende que essa estratégia enfrenta alguns obstáculos: questões geográficas e econômicas impedem que países como a Austrália, a Índia e o Japão assumam posições assertivas contra a China, embora apresentem desconforto com as ambições regionais chinesas e as exigências de Washington de um papel mais ativo no Indo-Pacífico. Esses países compõem, ao lado dos Estados Unidos, o chamado Diálogo Quadrilateral de Segurança, uma iniciativa que busca facilitar sua coordenação política em direção ao Indo-Pacífico. No entanto, Canberra, Tóquio e Nova Déli mantêm uma estratégia pragmática para manter seus laços especiais com os Estados Unidos e evitar confrontos com Pequim.Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira; China; Indo-Pacífico.Recebido em: 11 fev.2019 | Aceito em: 2 mai.2019DOI: 0.12957/rmi.2019.40103
