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The Public Opinion Research Centre 'Vilmorus' has conducted 226 representative surveys on trust in institutions in the period of 1998–2018. Trust in the Parliament, Government, political parties, banks, healthcare system, education system, police, church and other institutions was investigated. The analysis of the dynamics of trust/distrust allows us to reveal at least four factors influencing the results. Long-term factors are general positive (or negative) impacts of economic/social/political trends in the society. The growth of trust is typical for the police and defence systems in Lithuania. The church, education system and media decreased trust in this period. Other institutions do not have one direction of dynamics because of ad hoc events or political cycle influence. Ad hoc influences are negative, as a rule: bankruptcy of a bank, the economic crisis, a wrong behaviour of representatives of the institutions, etc. The following institutions were influenced by ad hoc events and lost 10 percent points of trust at least: banks, President, social insurance, church, police and army. The influence of a political cycle is noticeable for the Parliament, Government and President institutions before and after elections. Some seasonal monthly influences (the Easter period for church or the exams period for the education system, for example) are statistically significant but very small (socially insignificant). Different aspects of the dynamics of trust in the institutions need different methodological approach in the analysis of the empirical data.

The Public Opinion Research Centre 'Vilmorus' has conducted 226 representative surveys on trust in institutions in the period of 1998–2018. Trust in the Parliament, Government, political parties, banks, healthcare system, education system, police, church and other institutions was investigated. The analysis of the dynamics of trust/distrust allows us to reveal at least four factors influencing the results. Long-term factors are general positive (or negative) impacts of economic/social/political trends in the society. The growth of trust is typical for the police and defence systems in Lithuania. The church, education system and media decreased trust in this period. Other institutions do not have one direction of dynamics because of ad hoc events or political cycle influence. Ad hoc influences are negative, as a rule: bankruptcy of a bank, the economic crisis, a wrong behaviour of representatives of the institutions, etc. The following institutions were influenced by ad hoc events and lost 10 percent points of trust at least: banks, President, social insurance, church, police and army. The influence of a political cycle is noticeable for the Parliament, Government and President institutions before and after elections. Some seasonal monthly influences (the Easter period for church or the exams period for the education system, for example) are statistically significant but very small (socially insignificant). Different aspects of the dynamics of trust in the institutions need different methodological approach in the analysis of the empirical data.

The Public Opinion Research Centre 'Vilmorus' has conducted 226 representative surveys on trust in institutions in the period of 1998–2018. Trust in the Parliament, Government, political parties, banks, healthcare system, education system, police, church and other institutions was investigated. The analysis of the dynamics of trust/distrust allows us to reveal at least four factors influencing the results. Long-term factors are general positive (or negative) impacts of economic/social/political trends in the society. The growth of trust is typical for the police and defence systems in Lithuania. The church, education system and media decreased trust in this period. Other institutions do not have one direction of dynamics because of ad hoc events or political cycle influence. Ad hoc influences are negative, as a rule: bankruptcy of a bank, the economic crisis, a wrong behaviour of representatives of the institutions, etc. The following institutions were influenced by ad hoc events and lost 10 percent points of trust at least: banks, President, social insurance, church, police and army. The influence of a political cycle is noticeable for the Parliament, Government and President institutions before and after elections. Some seasonal monthly influences (the Easter period for church or the exams period for the education system, for example) are statistically significant but very small (socially insignificant). Different aspects of the dynamics of trust in the institutions need different methodological approach in the analysis of the empirical data.

The Public Opinion Research Centre 'Vilmorus' has conducted 226 representative surveys on trust in institutions in the period of 1998–2018. Trust in the Parliament, Government, political parties, banks, healthcare system, education system, police, church and other institutions was investigated. The analysis of the dynamics of trust/distrust allows us to reveal at least four factors influencing the results. Long-term factors are general positive (or negative) impacts of economic/social/political trends in the society. The growth of trust is typical for the police and defence systems in Lithuania. The church, education system and media decreased trust in this period. Other institutions do not have one direction of dynamics because of ad hoc events or political cycle influence. Ad hoc influences are negative, as a rule: bankruptcy of a bank, the economic crisis, a wrong behaviour of representatives of the institutions, etc. The following institutions were influenced by ad hoc events and lost 10 percent points of trust at least: banks, President, social insurance, church, police and army. The influence of a political cycle is noticeable for the Parliament, Government and President institutions before and after elections. Some seasonal monthly influences (the Easter period for church or the exams period for the education system, for example) are statistically significant but very small (socially insignificant). Different aspects of the dynamics of trust in the institutions need different methodological approach in the analysis of the empirical data.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

The joint results of seven public opinion surveys (N=7223) conducted during January-July 2018 are analysed in the paper. A big number (compared to usual public opinion polls) of respondents allows to increase a statistical reliability of the analysis of small demographic groups, in this case – groups of income per family member. The relationships between income and trust in institutions (Parliament, courts, mass media, etc.) are analysed in the paper. Due to a problem of comparability (the structure of political parties' system has changed in this period), the relationship between income and voting preferences is analysed on a smaller data file (N=4127, April-July 2018). Joint data files allowed to evaluate a relationship between income and other social demographic parameters, as well. For example, the data showed that income per family member is going down depending on age (exception is 50-59 year group when respondents are still working, but don't have under-age children anymore). Respondents having high education level have considerably higher income compared to other education groups. A differentiation of income depending on the place of residence is essential: income in Vilnius is considerably higher compared to other towns and regions. This factor has important influence on the voting preferences. Analysis of joint data files didn't show significant differences in trust in state institutions Parliament, Government, courts, police, military forces, President – depending on different income groups. Similar attitudes towards education and health care systems were fixed, as well. On the other hand, there are important differences between lower and higher income groups in the attitudes towards the mass media, banks and the Church. Higher income groups trust in the mass media and the Church less, but trust in the banks more. Popularity of the two biggest parties (according to 2018 polls) has a strong relationship with income per family member: it has a strong positive relationship with voting for Homeland Union (higher income – more voters) and a strong negative relationship with voting for Peasants and Green Union. The ratings of other parties do not have a significant relationship with income per family member, much lower compared to the results fixed in 2013.

Joint results of the representative surveys about trust in state institutions conducted in January-June 2016 are analysed in the paper. N=6162 respondents sample allows to get statistically reliable information on trust in state institutions in small social demographic groups. Group selection for this analysis was based on gender, age, education, ethnicity, income, social status and residence place criteria. Trust in Presidential Office, Parliament, Government, courts, prosecutor's office, military forces and police was investigated among different population groups.

Joint results of the representative surveys about trust in state institutions conducted in January-June 2016 are analysed in the paper. N=6162 respondents sample allows to get statistically reliable information on trust in state institutions in small social demographic groups. Group selection for this analysis was based on gender, age, education, ethnicity, income, social status and residence place criteria. Trust in Presidential Office, Parliament, Government, courts, prosecutor's office, military forces and police was investigated among different population groups.