Suchergebnisse

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: To reread Carl Schmitt's theory of the partisan and by doing so present another theory of partisan.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Partisan war is treated as a war method rather than a phenomenon. The method is interpretive, based on historical facts.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: At first the author retells and present Carl Schmitt's theory of the partisan. Then the au­thor applies this theory to 19th century European history with a special focus on Polish‑Lithuanian history. Based on this historical account the authors presents his own theory of another partisan.RESEARCH RESULTS: Another theory of partisan ties the fig­ure of partisan and partisan war as the specific phenomenon to the concrete historical and geographical space. This theory highlights the specific modern European character of the partisan war and presents the Polish‑Lithuanian partisan history as the model of such war. Seen through the lenses of the national sovereignty and the sovereign dic­tatorship, this history represents the case par excellence of transition from the order of the 18th century to the modern European republic of the 21st century. The partisan then is first of all the citizen. Brought to the extreme by the enemy he takes the sovereign decision to resist and this way brings the political idea of republic to its concrete existence.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: "The Theory of Partisan" by Carl Schmitt was the rare if not the only attempt at building a finished and conclusive theory of the phenomenon, which seemed so important for the modern European history. Therefore it is fair and reasonable to treat Schmitt as a central figure of the "partisan" thought. His concept of partisan as the specific figure of the modern war is especially valuable and allows to see Polish‑Lithuanian as well as European history in another perspective.

If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in "the defensive-autochthonous defender of home" the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However this interconnection escaped the attention of C. Schmitt himself. Therefore "The Theory of Partisan" was left independent of the C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereignty ("Sovereign is he who decides on the exception"). But if the guerrilla war is considered as itself the state of exception, it opens the way for the qualitatively new theory.The most visible and practical appearance of the European national sovereignty was the revised concept of the citizenship. It became some kind of political kinship. The state (political nation) guaranteed the rights of the citizen, but on the other hand the mere existence of the state itself depended of the patriotic stance of the citizen. The only known earlier model of such political community was the ancient republic of Rome. Therefore quite unsurprisingly the new European nomos of the 19th and the 20th centuries had many Roman features.The Roman precedent of the guerrilla war was known as iustitium – the ancient concept of the state of exception, recently revised and reconsidered by Giorgio Agamben. Although it could acquire different military forms, politically it always meant the same phenomenon – the direct exercise of the governmental power (imperium) by the ordinary citizens. In turbulent times they were empowered to take any steps necessary for the salvation of the republic. The same practical enactment of the national sovereignty forms the essence of the modern guerrilla war.However, the partisan is not only the "autochthonous defender", but also a political figure. In modern times (as opposed to the ancient Rome) he does not identify with the established political order. The historical analysis provides that the partisan of the 19th and the 20th centuries not only defended his homeland, but also sought the renewal of the political regime. Therefore he embodied the creative as well as the conservative aspect of the sovereign power belonging to the political nation.This conclusion leads to the problem of evaluating the transitional political order that evolves during the guerrilla war. The C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereign dictatorship seems to answer the question. Being the sovereign dictators the partisans act as if they were actual sovereigns – they do not consider themselves bounded by any previous law. On the other hand as the representatives of the political nation they are only empowered to seek the objectives compatible with the general will of that nation. ; Nors žinomas politikos filosofas Carlas Schmittas partizanų karui paskyrė atskirą veikalą, jis nesusiejo savo "Partizano teorijos" su suvereniteto koncepcija. Pasak C. Schmitto, suvereniteto esmę sudaro sprendimas dėl išimties. Jei partizanų karas suvokiamas kaip konkretus išimtinės padėties atvejis, jį galima interpretuoti kaip tiesioginį tautos suvereniteto įgyvendinimą (šios išvados C. Schmittas nepadarė). Panašus istorinis precedentas buvo pagal senovės Romos teisę skelbiama išimtinė padėtis (iustitium), kurios metu piliečiai įgydavo teisę tiesiogiai įgyvendinti valstybės valdžią. Tačiau istorinė šiuolaikinių partizanų karų analizė rodo, kad jiems būdingas ne tik ginti esamą valstybės santvarką, bet ir siekti ją pakeisti ar patobulinti. Todėl iškyla pačių partizanų statuso ir jų laikinos tvarkos apibūdinimo klausimas. Į jį atsako suverenios diktatūros koncepcija, taip pat sukurta C. Schmitto. Jos esmė – diktatorius veikia taip, tarsi jam priklausytų suvereni valstybės valdžia (taigi, ir galia keisti valstybės santvarką), tačiau kartu jis yra saistomas numanomos tautos valios. Kaip tokia diktatūra pasireiškia partizanų karo metu, atskleidžia 1944–1953 m. partizanų karo Lietuvoje analizė.

Nors žinomas politikos filosofas Carlas Schmittas partizanų karui paskyrė atskirą veikalą, jis nesusiejo savo "Partizano teorijos" su suvereniteto koncepcija. Pasak C. Schmitto, suvereniteto esmę sudaro sprendimas dėl išimties. Jei partizanų karas suvokiamas kaip konkretus išimtinės padėties atvejis, jį galima interpretuoti kaip tiesioginį tautos suvereniteto įgyvendinimą (šios išvados C. Schmittas nepadarė). Panašus istorinis precedentas buvo pagal senovės Romos teisę skelbiama išimtinė padėtis (iustitium), kurios metu piliečiai įgydavo teisę tiesiogiai įgyvendinti valstybės valdžią. Tačiau istorinė šiuolaikinių partizanų karų analizė rodo, kad jiems būdingas ne tik ginti esamą valstybės santvarką, bet ir siekti ją pakeisti ar patobulinti. Todėl iškyla pačių partizanų statuso ir jų laikinos tvarkos apibūdinimo klausimas. Į jį atsako suverenios diktatūros koncepcija, taip pat sukurta C. Schmitto. Jos esmė – diktatorius veikia taip, tarsi jam priklausytų suvereni valstybės valdžia (taigi, ir galia keisti valstybės santvarką), tačiau kartu jis yra saistomas numanomos tautos valios. Kaip tokia diktatūra pasireiškia partizanų karo metu, atskleidžia 1944–1953 m. partizanų karo Lietuvoje analizė.

If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in "the defensive-autochthonous defender of home" the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However this interconnection escaped the attention of C. Schmitt himself. Therefore "The Theory of Partisan" was left independent of the C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereignty ("Sovereign is he who decides on the exception"). The C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereign dictatorship seems to answer the question. Being the sovereign dictators the partisans act as if they were actual sovereigns – they do not consider themselves bounded by any previous law. On the other hand as the representatives of the political nation they are only empowered to seek the objectives compatible with the general will of that nation.

If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in "the defensive-autochthonous defender of home" the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However this interconnection escaped the attention of C. Schmitt himself. Therefore "The Theory of Partisan" was left independent of the C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereignty ("Sovereign is he who decides on the exception"). The C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereign dictatorship seems to answer the question. Being the sovereign dictators the partisans act as if they were actual sovereigns – they do not consider themselves bounded by any previous law. On the other hand as the representatives of the political nation they are only empowered to seek the objectives compatible with the general will of that nation.

If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in "the defensive-autochthonous defender of home" the modern citizen par excellence -- the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However this interconnection escaped the attention of C. Schmitt himself. Therefore "The Theory of Partisan" was left independent of the C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereignty ("Sovereign is he who decides on the exception"). The C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereign dictatorship seems to answer the question. Being the sovereign dictators the partisans act as if they were actual sovereigns -- they do not consider themselves bounded by any previous law. On the other hand as the representatives of the political nation they are only empowered to seek the objectives compatible with the general will of that nation. Adapted from the source document.

If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in "the defensive-autochthonous defender of home" the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However this interconnection escaped the attention of C. Schmitt himself. Therefore "The Theory of Partisan" was left independent of the C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereignty ("Sovereign is he who decides on the exception"). The C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereign dictatorship seems to answer the question. Being the sovereign dictators the partisans act as if they were actual sovereigns – they do not consider themselves bounded by any previous law. On the other hand as the representatives of the political nation they are only empowered to seek the objectives compatible with the general will of that nation.

If the guerrilla war is interpreted according to the concept of Carl Schmitt, its relation to the political nation becomes apparent. It takes little effort to see in "the defensive-autochthonous defender of home" the modern citizen par excelence – the one who is ready to take up arms in defense of his fatherland. However this interconnection escaped the attention of C. Schmitt himself. Therefore "The Theory of Partisan" was left independent of the C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereignty ("Sovereign is he who decides on the exception"). The C. Schmitt's concept of the sovereign dictatorship seems to answer the question. Being the sovereign dictators the partisans act as if they were actual sovereigns – they do not consider themselves bounded by any previous law. On the other hand as the representatives of the political nation they are only empowered to seek the objectives compatible with the general will of that nation.

This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet "legal" tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.

This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet "legal" tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.

This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet "legal" tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.

This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet "legal" tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.

This dissertation for the first time deals exceptionally with the concept of the guerrilla war. The main problem of the research is the influence of the specific concept of the guerrilla war on the political and legal spheres and the role of the soviet indoctrination in the formation of such concept. The dissertation consists of the introduction, four parts, conclusions and the lists of sources and literature. In the first part the influence of the soviet pseudohistorical narrative over the formation of the contemporary historical culture is being discussed. In the second part the efforts to pay political homage to the guerrilla war and the failure of such efforts is being investigated. In the third part it is being argued that the legal practice concerning the former guerrilla fighters stems from the soviet "legal" tradition, this being the consequence of the deformation of the historical culture. In the fourth part the premises for the formation of the alternative concept of the guerrilla war are being considered. The research enables to formulate the conclusions about the consequences of the soviet indoctrination in the culture of contemporary Lithuania and the possible ways to cope with this problem.