Little work has been done to systematically analyze how high-profile incidents of child neglect and abuse shape child welfare policymaking in the United States. In Scandalous Politics, Juliet Gainsborough presents quantitative analysis of all fifty sta.
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In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 127, Heft 4, S. 717-718
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy Section of the American Political Science Association, Band 9, Heft 3
In order to understand what factors drive child welfare policymaking, this research analyzes data on spending & legislation from the U.S. states over a three-year period. The key independent variables are scandal, litigation, federal oversight, & local discretion. While states that experience a scandal or a lawsuit do not increase their spending levels over previous years, they do enact more child welfare legislation. This raises the possibility that states engage in symbolic rather than substantive responses to child welfare crises. The administrative structure of the child welfare system also affects state policymaking. Adapted from the source document.
In: State politics & policy quarterly: the official journal of the State Politics and Policy section of the American Political Science Association, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 325-355
AbstractIn order to understand what factors drive child welfare policymaking, this research analyzes data on spending and legislation from the U.S. states over a three-year period. The key independent variables are scandal, litigation, federal oversight, and local discretion. While states that experience a scandal or a lawsuit do not increase their spending levels over previous years, they do enact more child welfare legislation. This raises the possibility that states engage in symbolic rather than substantive responses to child welfare crises. The administrative structure of the child welfare system also affects state policymaking.
Recent analysis of presidential politics has suggested that the attention to the rise of the suburban voter during the elections of the 1990s may have been misplaced. Researchers have argued that discussion of "soccer moms" misses the degree to which women differ in ways that have little to do with place, and that attention paid to suburbanites by Democrats misses the electoral importance of White, non-university-educated voters. This article argues that although these characteristics of voters are important for understanding their support for particular presidential candidates, so is their location. Holding individual characteristics constant, voters living in cities are more likely to support Democrats than their suburban counterparts. In addition, the relationship between policy preferences, party identification, and vote choice varies across cities and suburbs. City and suburban residents have different views on some issues and weight these views differently when deciding how to vote and which party to support.