Suchergebnisse

1. States of democracy : an overview / Yvonne Galligan -- 2. Formulating the Goods and Services Directive in the European Union : a lost opportunity for gender equality? / Yvonne Galligan and Sara Clavero -- 3. Topographies of gender democracy in Austria / Nora Gresch and Birgit Sauer -- 4. States of gender democracy : variations on a theme in Finland / Hanna-Kaisa Hoppania and Anne Maria Holli -- 5. Gender expectations and state inertia : the case of Greece / Yota Papageorgiou -- 6. 'Making a sow's ear from a silk purse' : gender democracy in Hungary / Roza Vajda -- 7. National and European gender equality legislation : a mismatch of agendas and hesitant feminism in Lithuania / Irmina Matonyte -- 8. Gender democracy in Poland : an empty shell / Katarzyna Zielinska -- 9. Gender democracy in Spain : undemocratic compliance and the domestication of European law / Sara Clavero -- 10. Why democracy? On the relationship between gender democracy and gender equality in the European Union / Cathrine Holst.

"The multi-layered political system of the European Union offers a unique environment for the study of comparative democracy. Its policies seek to give effect to an agreed range of values, including that of gender equality. This book explores gender equality and democratic politics in Europe. It discusses how democratic politics engages with gender equality in the European Union and examines what happens when a core democratic value of the European Union, equality between women and men, is given policy effect in supra-national and domestic level politics. It asks how embedded is this value in democratic politics and what degree of gender equality is expressed in this environment. The collection brings to light the gendered nature of democratic politics, offering a critical gaze on the workings of modern democracy in Europe. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of democracy, European studies, gender, and key to courses seeking to incorporate a deeper gender perspective or evaluating democracy and democratic performance in institutions and decision-making"--

This article investigates women's representation as Northern Ireland (NI) MPs in the House of Commons since 1953. The central argument of the study is that the political and cultural positions dominant at the formation of NI in the early 20th century reverberate through the generations and continue to inform women's political under-representation today. The article provides an historical context for women's political and public participation from the 1950s, highlighting the gendered political culture in which this engagement took place. It examines the additional freezing effect of the ethno-national conflict on women's civic and political involvement from the 1970s–1990s. In terms of women's Westminster contributions, the article focuses on the period following the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast agreement and details the extent of women's candidacies in general elections. It highlights their participation in parliamentary voting, and some of the issues to which they have contributed. The study shows the influence of a conservative, gendered political culture on the issues that have engaged women MPs from Northern Ireland. The article concludes that Northern Ireland's privileging of male power continues to frame the political agendas and work of women MPs.

This article investigates women's representation as Northern Ireland (NI) MPs in the House of Commons since 1953. The central argument of the study is that the political and cultural positions dominant at the formation of NI in the early 20th century reverberate through the generations and continue to inform women's political under-representation today. The article provides an historical context for women's political and public participation from the 1950s, highlighting the gendered political culture in which this engagement took place. It examines the additional freezing effect of the ethno-national conflict on women's civic and political involvement from the 1970s–1990s. In terms of women's Westminster contributions, the article focuses on the period following the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast agreement and details the extent of women's candidacies in general elections. It highlights their participation in parliamentary voting, and some of the issues to which they have contributed. The study shows the influence of a conservative, gendered political culture on the issues that have engaged women MPs from Northern Ireland. The article concludes that Northern Ireland's privileging of male power continues to frame the political agendas and work of women MPs.

This article examines the nature of gender politics in Northern Ireland since the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement. Taking gender justice as a normative democratic framework, the article argues that despite the promise of women's equal participation in public and political life written into the Agreement, parties have delivered varied responses to integrating women, women's interests and perspectives into politics and policy platforms. This contrasts with general patterns supporting women's increased participation in social and political life. The article discusses women's descriptive and substantive representation through electoral outcomes and party manifestos, using the demands of successive women's manifestos as a benchmark. It concludes that while parties have given less recognition and inclusion to women than one might have expected in a new political context, the push for democratic accountability will ensure that gender politics will continue to have a place on the political agenda for some time to come.

The election of two energetic women in succession to the office of President of Ireland challenged the notion that the presidency was a long-service reward for retiring politicians. Mary Robinson and Mary McAleese broke the male domination of the office, interpreted its functions in a more dynamic manner, and utilised the 'soft power' of the presidency with skill. Yet, as individuals they were very different in political focus, experience and ideological disposition. This article charts their respective backgrounds and discusses the context in which each woman came to the presidency. It explores their vision for the office. Focusing on the potential for harnessing the soft power of the presidency, it argues that Robinson adopted a classical representative view of the office, whereas McAleese chose a facilitatory style of leadership. The article concludes that in their different ways, Robinson and McAleese contributed to reshaping the office, utilising its symbolic potential and soft power to make it a more meaningful and fit-for-purpose political institution for the twenty-first century. © 2012 Political Studies Association of Ireland.