Suchergebnisse

International audience ; La politique de la Turquie dans le conflit du Kosovo : les pré-éminence des intérêts (politiques) nationaux

International audience ; La politique de la Turquie dans le conflit du Kosovo : les pré-éminence des intérêts (politiques) nationaux

Tout l'enjeu de la politique d'influence de la Turquie auprès des pays membres de l'Union européenne (UE) consiste à convaincre de sa « vocation européenne ». La Turquie met alors en avant une batterie d'arguments que divers acteurs se chargent de transmettre. Ces acteurs ne sont toutefois pas toujours, ou pas totalement, contrôlés par l'État. Les diplomates sont souvent les plus actifs et l'État turc veille à leur assurer une formation et un encadrement de qualité. L'influente caste militaire trouve elle aussi ses relais. Un des milieux les plus influents reste sans doute le milieu des affaires. En revanche, la diaspora et d'autres relais d'ordre personnel, privés ou semi-publics, ont des politiques et des influences contradictoires. Cette catégorisation trouve toutefois ses limites en ce sens que ces différents acteurs se croisent et se côtoient mais ne constituent qu'un réseau bien informel et diffus.

International audience ; Presentation of the debates and controversies on the Gagauz, their origins, the etymology of the name, their history (notably their migration at the beginning of the 19th Century from the Dobrudja to Bessarabia); their identity and the current process of formation of an identity in the republic of Moldova; their political fight and the creation of an autonomous political entity; their relation with Turkey ; Résumé des débats et controverses sur l'origine des Gagaouzes ; l'étymologie du nom ; leur histoire (Etat dans la Dobroudja au 14ème siècle, migrations au 18-19ème siècle de la Dobroudja vers la Bessarabie) ; les zones de peuplement ; leur identité et la construction identitaire aujourd'hui en Moldavie, leur combat politique, la création d'une région autonome en Moldavie, leurs rapports avec la Turquie

This study was made in Turkey in the immediate aftermath of the 11th of September. It is based on the investigations of the Turkish press and reactions in various circles in Istanbul. It collects, studies and analyses the first reactions after the attacks, the perception of these attacks, the debates on the Turkish military commitment alongside the US in Afghanistan and Iraq, the position of different Turkish political parties on the subject or the reaction toward the progressive assimilation between Islam and terrorism. ; Cette étude rédigée à chaud repose en grande partie sur une analyse de la presse turque et sur des réactions recueillies dans des divers milieux stambouliotes dans les semaines qui ont suivi les attentats du 11 septembre. Elle passe en revue les premières réactions face aux images de l'attentat, les débats sur l'engagement aux côtés des Américains et les positions des différentes factions de la scène politique turque ou encore les réactions face à l'assimilation islam et terrorisme

International audience ; Presentation of the debates and controversies on the Gagauz, their origins, the etymology of the name, their history (notably their migration at the beginning of the 19th Century from the Dobrudja to Bessarabia); their identity and the current process of formation of an identity in the republic of Moldova; their political fight and the creation of an autonomous political entity; their relation with Turkey ; Résumé des débats et controverses sur l'origine des Gagaouzes ; l'étymologie du nom ; leur histoire (Etat dans la Dobroudja au 14ème siècle, migrations au 18-19ème siècle de la Dobroudja vers la Bessarabie) ; les zones de peuplement ; leur identité et la construction identitaire aujourd'hui en Moldavie, leur combat politique, la création d'une région autonome en Moldavie, leurs rapports avec la Turquie

This study was made in Turkey in the immediate aftermath of the 11th of September. It is based on the investigations of the Turkish press and reactions in various circles in Istanbul. It collects, studies and analyses the first reactions after the attacks, the perception of these attacks, the debates on the Turkish military commitment alongside the US in Afghanistan and Iraq, the position of different Turkish political parties on the subject or the reaction toward the progressive assimilation between Islam and terrorism. ; Cette étude rédigée à chaud repose en grande partie sur une analyse de la presse turque et sur des réactions recueillies dans des divers milieux stambouliotes dans les semaines qui ont suivi les attentats du 11 septembre. Elle passe en revue les premières réactions face aux images de l'attentat, les débats sur l'engagement aux côtés des Américains et les positions des différentes factions de la scène politique turque ou encore les réactions face à l'assimilation islam et terrorisme

International audience ; Turkey seems to have hesitated to act unilaterally towards this Republic whose name, if not identity, was contested. In the years 1992-1994, the recognition of the independence of the Republic and the establishment of diplomatic relations was estimated to be the most Turkey could do in such an international and regional context. It acted as much as it could within international organizations to which it belongs, but avoided tightening bilateral links on sensitive (political or strategic) issues. Yet, this "self-restrained" Turkish diplomacy in the Balkans does not explain or justify the incoherencies of the Turkish diplomacy toward this country, and notably the late signing and implementation of economic cooperation instruments, whereas exchanges are the best way to strengthen, in the long term, a political partnership.

International audience ; Could the historical role played by Turkey in the Balkans or its geographical proximity establish Turkey as pole of attraction for the Muslims in the Balkans? First, Turkey's secularism and aspiration to be recognized as a fully westernized country forbid it to raise the Muslim banner as soon as its political interests are concerned. Second, Turkey's long domination of the Balkans sets it up as a suspicious actor in the eyes of most of the countries in the area and its initiatives were carefully watched by the other Balkan countries, prompt to denounce any move on its part. Last, each of the Turkish and Muslim communities in the Balkans (Albanians, Turks in Bulgaria and in Greek Thrace, Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Pomaks, etc.) has kept their own ethnic characteristics and there is no feeling of belonging to a common community. On the whole, Islam has been invoked only to justify or reinforce a pre-existing political decision and it has covered political and not religious common interests. Since 1991, it is in fact with Orthodox Russia that Turkey has developed its deepest economic relations, with Albania but as well with the Republic of Macedonia that it established the closest political and military ties, and, in the Balkans, to Romania that it extended the most credits.

International audience ; Turkey seems to have hesitated to act unilaterally towards this Republic whose name, if not identity, was contested. In the years 1992-1994, the recognition of the independence of the Republic and the establishment of diplomatic relations was estimated to be the most Turkey could do in such an international and regional context. It acted as much as it could within international organizations to which it belongs, but avoided tightening bilateral links on sensitive (political or strategic) issues. Yet, this "self-restrained" Turkish diplomacy in the Balkans does not explain or justify the incoherencies of the Turkish diplomacy toward this country, and notably the late signing and implementation of economic cooperation instruments, whereas exchanges are the best way to strengthen, in the long term, a political partnership.

International audience ; Could the historical role played by Turkey in the Balkans or its geographical proximity establish Turkey as pole of attraction for the Muslims in the Balkans? First, Turkey's secularism and aspiration to be recognized as a fully westernized country forbid it to raise the Muslim banner as soon as its political interests are concerned. Second, Turkey's long domination of the Balkans sets it up as a suspicious actor in the eyes of most of the countries in the area and its initiatives were carefully watched by the other Balkan countries, prompt to denounce any move on its part. Last, each of the Turkish and Muslim communities in the Balkans (Albanians, Turks in Bulgaria and in Greek Thrace, Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Pomaks, etc.) has kept their own ethnic characteristics and there is no feeling of belonging to a common community. On the whole, Islam has been invoked only to justify or reinforce a pre-existing political decision and it has covered political and not religious common interests. Since 1991, it is in fact with Orthodox Russia that Turkey has developed its deepest economic relations, with Albania but as well with the Republic of Macedonia that it established the closest political and military ties, and, in the Balkans, to Romania that it extended the most credits.

Obtenue avec la mention " Très honorable avec les félicitations du jury à l'unanimité " ; The Turks dominated the Balkans for more than five centuries and this historical presence makes the Balkans a specific area for Turkey. The withdrawal of the Ottoman Empire from the peninsula is widely commented on and resented in the national historiography and the Turks confront the area in a rather deeply emotional way. How does Turkey deal - or how can it deal - with this legacy now? Is Turkey particularly inclined to rush to help its "persecuted Muslim brothers"? In short, are all these historical and cultural affinities or kinship real, are they asserted, and, are they influential on the orientation of Turkish foreign policy in the Balkans? Historical, cultural and affective ties between Turkey and Turks and Muslims in the Balkans are real but political dimension always prevails over religious dimension for the Turks and the others Muslims in the area. Besides, it was against the Ottoman Empire that the people of the Balkans forged their independence. This phenomenon of "fundamental enmity" is not a specificity of the Balkans. However, what is particular in this case, however, is the inability of the peoples of the Balkans to overcome this enmity; enmity that takes on the aspects of a struggle between Islam and Christianity, between civilization and obscurantism. Turkey could not not take into account the persistence and the strength of these resentments. Ankara has therefore systematically secured its Balkan diplomacy by the "principles and positions" of the international community. Turkey has also worked hand-in-hand with Washington in the planning of its diplomacy in the area, and especially for 'sensitive' questions (ethnic tensions in Bosnia, Macedonia, Kosovo). Last, the analysis of Turkey's policy in the Balkans has to be comprehended on a wider political and geographical spectrum. Western (European and American) powers' diplomacy and/or economic implication did influence significantly Turkish policy in the ...