Srinath Raghavan, 1971: A Global History of the Creation of Bangladesh. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013. 358 pp. $29.95
In: Journal of Cold War studies, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 194-195
ISSN: 1531-3298
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In: Journal of Cold War studies, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 194-195
ISSN: 1531-3298
In: Pacific affairs, Band 89, Heft 3, S. 618
ISSN: 0030-851X
In: Sustainable Security, S. 332-348
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 142-17
ISSN: 0140-2390
In: The journal of strategic studies, Band 39, Heft 1, S. 142-157
ISSN: 1743-937X
In: The journal of strategic studies, S. 1-17
ISSN: 0140-2390
In: International affairs, Band 91, Heft 1, S. 205-206
ISSN: 1468-2346
In: Political science quarterly: a nonpartisan journal devoted to the study and analysis of government, politics and international affairs ; PSQ, Band 129, Heft 4, S. 718-720
ISSN: 1538-165X
In: The nonproliferation review: program for nonproliferation studies, Band 21, Heft 3-4, S. 373-382
ISSN: 1746-1766
In: The nonproliferation review: program for nonproliferation studies, Band 21, Heft 3-4, S. 255-260
ISSN: 1746-1766
In: International security, Band 39, Heft 2, S. 169-180
ISSN: 1531-4804
In The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide, Gary Bass convincingly argues that the Nixon administration did little to rein in its ally Pakistan from perpetuating genocide against its own population largely because of Islamabad's vital role in facilitating U.S. diplomatic contact with the People's Republic of China. He also shows how the low strategic significance of South Asia for much of the global community, combined with an inordinate regard for the norm of sovereignty, led to a lack of support for the principle of humanitarian intervention. The Blood Telegram partially affirms the proposition that acts of genocide can stem from the choices of a handful of individuals who are determined to achieve a political goal using all available means.
In: Journal of democracy, Band 25, Heft 4, S. 56-60
ISSN: 1086-3214
Abstract: As the accompanying essays by Eswaran Sridharan, Ashutosh Varshney, and Rajiv Kumar underscore, India's sixteenth general election constituted a dramatic shift in the political fortunes of the two principal national political parties, the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). With a firm BJP majority in the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament), handpicked loyalists in key party positions, and an enfeebled parliamentary opposition, Prime Minister Narendra Modi now has considerable leeway to pursue his agenda. He must choose whether he will maintain his focus on growing the economy, creating jobs, and building infrastructure—improvements that would benefit all Indians—or if he will strive to transform India into a Hindu state.
In: Current history: a journal of contemporary world affairs, Band 113, Heft 762, S. 165-166
ISSN: 1944-785X
In his new book, Husain Haqqani dissects the mutual delusions that have long shaped the dysfunctional relationship between Pakistan and the United States.
In: Journal of democracy, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 93-104
ISSN: 1086-3214
Abstract: Even in India, the South Asia's oldest and largest democracy and a place where that form of govenment has become "the only game in town," its deepening and broadening face important challenges. Indeed, while the country's party system may look robust, it is in crisis. Hardly a single party is known for its commitment to internal democracy. With the exception of the two communist parties, almost no party harbors any real ideological commitments. Most party leaders care for little other than winning office and its vast benefits. The two dominant parties, the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), though seemingly representing differing political agendas, have much more in common than first meets the eye. Given this context, the chances that political and economic reforms can be enacted after the next election prospects are limited.
In: Journal of democracy, Band 25, Heft 2, S. 93-104
ISSN: 1045-5736
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