Remote sensing and modeling of ecosystems for sustainability X: 26 and 29 August 2013, San Diego, California, United States ; [part of SPIE optics + photonics]
In: Proceedings of SPIE 8869
113 Ergebnisse
Sortierung:
In: Proceedings of SPIE 8869
In: Proceedings of SPIE 8513
In: Proceedings of SPIE 8156
In: Proceedings of SPIE 7809
In: Proceedings of SPIE 7454
In: Proceedings of SPIE 7083
In: Proceedings of SPIE 6679
In: International journal of human rights, Band 26, Heft 9, S. 1608-1629
ISSN: 1744-053X
In: Social sciences in China, Band 42, Heft 3, S. 58-73
ISSN: 1940-5952
In: Habitat international: a journal for the study of human settlements, Band 49, S. 316-324
In: Völkerrecht und internationale Beziehungen 7
In: Studien zum internationalen Privat- und Zivilprozessrecht sowie zum UN-Kaufrecht 44
In: Schriftenreihe Studien zum internationalen Privat- und Zivilprozessrecht sowie zum UN-Kaufrecht 44
In: Gao , W & Wang , D 2021 , ' Will increasing government subsidies promote open innovation? A simulation analysis of China's wind power industry ' , Sustainability (Switzerland) , vol. 13 , no. 23 , 13497 . https://doi.org/10.3390/su132313497
Keeping open innovation both stable and sustainable can be difficult when it involves cooperation between large enterprises. Some empirical studies suggest that subsidy policies can play a positive role. This study addresses two key questions that follow from this observation: first, if the intensity of a subsidy policy is increased, can it play a greater role in strengthening the stability of cooperation between firms? Second, what other factors play a mediating role in this effect? Utilizing a dynamic game model, this paper analyses influential factors such as absorptive capacity, frequency of engagement, and technical value on cooperative stability, and investigates the role of innovation policy in the process of cooperation through a random number-driven simulation. The findings indicate that only when the absorption capacity and technological value of both partners meet a certain threshold is the probability of positive cooperative behavior improved. Otherwise, increased subsidies tend to foster negative cooperative behavior instead.
BASE
In: International Journal of Conflict Management, Band 29, Heft 5, S. 570-590
Purpose
In China, rural-to-urban migrant workers who are from the same place of origin tend to concentrate in the same workplace. If the concentration is sufficiently dense, it means that these migrant workers build up a social network which could be defined as native place enclave (NPE). In this paper, the authors discussed whether there are behavioral differences between enclave workers and non-enclave workers when they have conflicts with their employers.
Design/methodology/approach
The authors put two questions to empirical tests. First, do enclave workers experience less sense of deprivation than non-enclave workers? Second, compared to non-enclave workers, are enclave workers more willing to participate in collective action against their employers? Using data from a survey of migrant workers in Pearl River Delta and Yangzi River Delta in 2010, the authors made a comparison between enclave workers and non-enclave workers with respect to sense of deprivation and willingness-to-participate by using a propensity score matching method.
Findings
The authors found that the relationship between NPE and sense of deprivation was negative, so was the relationship between NPE and willingness-to-participate. Meanwhile, the two relationships were stronger than what had been found after the propensity score matching method was used.
Practical implications
The results implied that employers can reduce labor conflicts by using NPE to mitigate migrant workers' sense of deprivation and by lowering the risk of their collective actions. In this way, NPE may contribute to the upkeep of workplace order and even social order.
Originality/value
There have been hot debates on how NPE would affect migrant workers' collective action. Resource mobilization theory pointed out that NPE was positively related to workers' collective action while production politics theory held an opposite view. Our findings provided empirical evidences for the debates.