Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Front matter -- Title page -- Copyright page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Introduction: European Democracy at the Crossroads -- Part 1 Populism in Europe: Concept and Context -- Chapter 1 Quality of Democracy in Europe -- Chapter 2 Populism: Theoretical Foundations -- Chapter 3 Mapping European Populism and Its Association with Anti-Pluralism: Descriptive Evidence in Time and Space -- Chapter 4 On the Persistence of Radical Right Populism in Europe: The Role of Grievances and Emotions -- Part II Political Participation under Populism: Trends and Limits -- Chapter 5 The Limits of Democratic Competition: Time-Series, Cross-Sectional Evidence of the Asymmetrical Impact of Polarization on Europeans' Political Attitudes and Behavior -- Chapter 6 Populist Voter Profiles in Different Electoral Calls: Lessons from Spain -- Chapter 7 Ideological Congruence between Populist Right Parliamentary Elites and Their Voters: An Analysis of Poland, Sweden, and Germany -- Chapter 8 Internal Sanctions for Rule of Law Breaches under Article 7 TEU: Why Is the EU Dragging Its Feet? -- Part III Populist Parties in Different European Regions -- Chapter 9 Populism in Western versus Eastern Europe -- Chapter 10 Populism in Southern Europe -- Chapter 11 Nordic Populism: Conjoining Ethno-Nationalism and Welfare Chauvinism -- Conclusion: What Lies Ahead -- About the Contributors -- Index -- Back cover.

"Over the early 21st century, democracy worldwide has deteriorated significantly. At the same time, new populist forces have appeared that challenge democracies through legal reforms. The stark contrast between Eastern and Western Europe in this respect is the focus of this collection of essays.The authors consider the 2008-2012 economic crisis to be at the root of the success of the populist parties and the rise of cultural backlash against liberal values. In turn, European governments' responses to the crisis-mainly austerity measures demanded by IMF and the EU- help explain desenchantment with the European Union. These policies made the wider public feel that they were being left out of politics, and populist parties promised to return power to them. The contributors argue that polarization of the electorate can set in motion a radicalization that strengthens authoritarians at the expense of democrats. They also demonstrate that Eastern and Western Europe differ in their attitudes to the decline in quality of democracy. The studies consider how satisfied people are with the political changes they witness, and argue that seemingly more authoritarian attitudes in the East explain why people feel more satisfied with a defective democracy that empowers the populist-authoritarian political actors that they support"--

Zimbabwe es uno de los Estados fallidos de África debido a la violencia y el monopolio del poder ejercido por el régimen de Mugabe. Zimbabwe es un Estado fallido a punto de explotar. Robert Mugabe y su partido –el Zimbabwe African National Unity Front – Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF)– llevan en el poder desde la independencia a principios de los ochenta y lo detentan abusando de los resortes del Estado, empleando la violencia y perpetuándose mediante el fraude electoral. Si a esto se añade que la economía del país y la situación humanitaria se deterioran día a día, la situación se convierte en una bomba de relojería, que podría estallar en cualquier momento en forma de guerra civil para la que sólo falta un detonante. Zimbabwe ejemplifica las consecuencias del abuso sin límites del poder y la incapacidad de las presiones internacionales para prevenir el fallo anunciado de un Estado que pone en peligro la estabilidad regional. Este ARI examina las causas estructurales del problema: la violencia y el monopolio del poder detentados por el régimen de Mugabe. También se describe la catastrófica situación social, humanitaria y económica de la población. Con el fondo de las próximas elecciones del 29 de marzo, se estudian las posibilidades de un cambio en la situación que conduzcan al fallo final de Zimbabwe o al inicio de su recuperación.

Suráfrica ha sufrido actos de violencia xenófoba contra población foránea que ha puesto en duda su reputación de país tolerante y a prueba su capacidad para solventar cualquier brote de inestabilidad política. Suráfrica ha sufrido brotes de violencia xenófoba contra población de países vecinos con la excusa de que los inmigrantes son los responsables de la falta de empleos, de la inseguridad y del crimen en el país. El resultado ha sido decenas de muertos, miles de desplazados, campos de refugiados y versiones conspirativas sobre quienes alientan y promueven la xenofobia, que cuestionan la reputación de Suráfrica como país tolerante y de convivencia multicultural y que pone en tela de juicio la capacidad para solventar, de forma inmediata, una crisis que afecta la estabilidad política y económica. Este ARI describe los hechos, analiza la situación en el país, las posibles causas que han generado esta situación y las posibles consecuencias para el futuro.

The advent of multi-racial elections inaugurated democracy in South Africa in 1994. The results of subsequent elections in 1999 and 2004 differed little from those of 1994, except that the Democratic Party gained ground and the National Party lost support. In all three of these elections, there was an important correlation between race and vote. However, although participation in elections has remained high, rates of underlying party identification have significantly decreased over the first decade of democracy. This article uses survey data to analyse changing patterns of underlying support for political parties in South Africa, focusing closely on the African National Congress and the (New) National Party. Evidence is found of an emerging class cleavage that significantly affects party support.

Historically, ethnicity has been considered to play a fundamental role in voting behaviour in Africa. However, researchers on the issue have found contradictory conclusions. The most recent research concludes that the African voter is more rational than expected. Overall ethnicity seems to be less influential than theory used to suggest. Against this background, this paper analyses vote for governing party in Africa and presents evidence that the method and data set used will have an important influence upon the final result. The research takes form of a quantitative analysis making extensive use of survey data from 2005 to 2019. Results indicate that ethnicity, although not exclusively, is still an explanatory factor. At a glance, African vote is rationally ethnic.

En este artículo se revisa la teoría elitista de la democracia que afirma que las elites muestran actitudesmás democráticas que la ciudadanía en general. Se analiza la teoría tanto en países democráticoscomo no democráticos en África, usando dos encuestas de opinión diferentes: una encuestaaplicada a las elites y otra al público general. El estudio está basado en dos indicadores principales:apoyo difuso a la democracia como forma de gobierno, así como confianza en las instituciones comomedida de apoyo específico. Los resultados validan la teoría de la democracia, ya que ambos indicadorescorroboran la hipótesis. El estudio desautoriza, al mismo tiempo, la "teoría de aprendizajesocial" que sostiene que las elites apoyan más la democracia por su mayor "exposición" a las institucionesy normas democráticas. Del mismo modo, queda evidenciado que la educación no juega unpapel tan decisivo como factor explicativo, como, en principio, argumenta la teoría.

The existence of a healthy, respected and respectful opposition is a common feature of democratic politics. For a democracy to function properly, it needs an opposition to provide political contestation and electoral competition, thus limiting the power of the ruling party. In other words: no opposition – no democracy.In this regard, Africa has a poor track record. During the 1950s and 1960s, euphoria swelled throughout the continent following political independence from colonial rule. These new African democracies, however, rapidly began succumbing to authoritarianism. Political repression, single-party states and military rule flourished, causing authoritarian forms of government to become the norm throughout the continent. Opposition parties were, and in many countries still are, severely restricted and have generally had little chance to be heard. This is especially so in the many single-party states, characterized by a lack of democratic experience and culture, which became prevalent in post-independence Africa.

The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is often regarded as an area where it is difficult to stabilize democracy. This notion is reinforced by the fact that, in the most recent set of elections held in the region, Islamic-orientated political parties perceived to be anti-democratic have achieved important electoral victories. This article analyses these parties in the MENA region in an attempt to discern whether support is related to a preference for anti-democratic forms of government. The research takes the form of a quantitative analysis using survey data and results indicate that electoral support for Islamic political parties is in fact driven by a rejection of the present state configuration, which in turn leads to a demand for religion to exert greater influence on the state.