Suchergebnisse

1 Introduction -- 2 Early Globalization: Arguments and Evidence -- 3 Harbingers of Modernity: an Iberian perspective -- 4 Silver production, prices and globalization in the eighteenth century -- 5 The Austrian mining industry and the Iberian globalization -- 6 The Manila Galleon and the Age of Trade -- 7 The reception of Asian textiles in Portugal and Brazil: impact and consequences (1500- 1800) -- 8 Oriental Goods in New Spain: Trade, Fashion, Race, and Consumption -- 9 The Trade and the Consumption of European products at the beginning of 18th century in New Spain based on Jean de Monségur's memoirs" -- 10 Iberian Empires & Transatlantic Migration 1492-1808.

Anthropometric literature on the American territories of the Hispanic monarchy before their independence is still scarce. We attempt to expand the field with a case study that includes some important novelties. Albeit our main source, the military records of the Censo de Revillagigedo (conducted in the early 1790s), has already been used, the sample size and the geographical scope are unprecedented: 19,390 males of four ethnicities (castizos, españoles, mestizos, and mulatos) aged from 16 to 39 from 24 localities, including towns and villages scattered across central regions of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. We build a database that, complemented with information on resource endowments obtained from other sources, permits to analyze the determinants of height. Our results show the importance of spatial differences as well as the significance of ethnicity, occupation, rurality, age and resource endowments as determinants of height. Unprivileged mulatos are only 0.5 cm shorter than, assumedly privileged, españoles in the "first world" (El Bajío) and 1.3 cm taller in the "second world" (Eastern Central Highlands). In turn, living in the "first world" implies being between nearly 1.5 cm and 5 cm taller than the inhabitants of the "second world". Our estimates of physical statures are placed within an international comparative context and offer a relatively "optimistic" picture.

Globalization, if defined as the integration of international commodity markets, started in the eighteenth century and progressed gradually and with some setbacks into the nineteenth century, instead of suddenly appearing at some point after the 1820s. We use grain prices in Europe and the Americas to determine the extent and dynamics of market integration throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. An innovative methodology, with special attention being paid to changes in residual dispersion of the univariate models of relative prices between markets, permits us to obtain a measure of market integration over time.