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This open access book takes the biographical case of German feminist Käthe Schirmacher (1865-1930), a multilingual translator, widely travelled writer of fiction and non-fiction, and a disputatious activist to examine the travel and translation of ideas between the women's movements that emerged in many countries in the late 19th and early 20th century. It discusses practices such as translating, interpreting, and excerpting from journals and books that spawned and supported transnational civic spaces and develops a theoretical framework to analyse these practices. It examines translations of literary, scholarly and political texts and their contexts. The book will be of interest to academics as well as undergraduate and postgraduate students in the fields of modern history, women's and gender history, cultural studies, transnational and transfer history, translation studies, history and theory of biography

This open access book takes the biographical case of German feminist Käthe Schirmacher (1865–1930), a multilingual translator, widely travelled writer of fiction and non-fiction, and a disputatious activist to examine the travel and translation of ideas between the women's movements that emerged in many countries in the late 19th and early 20th century. It discusses practices such as translating, interpreting, and excerpting from journals and books that spawned and supported transnational civic spaces and develops a theoretical framework to analyse these practices. It examines translations of literary, scholarly and political texts and their contexts. The book will be of interest to academics as well as undergraduate and postgraduate students in the fields of modern history, women's and gender history, cultural studies, transnational and transfer history, translation studies, history and theory of biography.

Taking the example of the remarkable political career of Emmy Stradal, a political newcomer at the beginning of the First Austrian Republic who became an active and effective member of the Austrian parliament for the Pan-German People's Party between 1920 and 1923, this article investigates the emerging political culture of the country built out of the remains of the Habsburg Empire after 1918. It suggests that, while the whole interwar period has to be seen from the perspective of the destruction of democracy in the 1930s, the early 1920s can also be analysed as a period of opening up and searching for new political forms, as the existing parties had to adjust to both the altered position of the parliament and women's suffrage. The first part of the paper looks into Emmy Stradal's personal development as the middle-class wife of a senior government official and mother of four children and investigates her proto-feminist opinions, which were expressed in unpublished literary works and drew heavily on Nietzschean philosophy. The second part focuses on her political career within the Pan-German People's Party whose racial ideology of the Volksgemeinschaft combined aggressive anti-Semitism with the demand for Austrian union with Germany. It shows how Emmy Stradal tried to build alliances with women from other parties and sought to legitimise her demands for better funding of girl's education within the context of her party's anti-Semitic ideology. ; Taking the example of the remarkable political career of Emmy Stradal, a political newcomer at the beginning of the First Austrian Republic who became an active and effective member of the Austrian parliament for the Pan-German People's Party between 1920 and 1923, this article investigates the emerging political culture of the country built out of the remains of the Habsburg Empire after 1918. It suggests that, while the whole interwar period has to be seen from the perspective of the destruction of democracy in the 1930s, the early 1920s can also be analysed as a period of opening up and searching for new political forms, as the existing parties had to adjust to both the altered position of the parliament and women's suffrage. The first part of the paper looks into Emmy Stradal's personal development as the middle-class wife of a senior government official and mother of four children and investigates her proto-feminist opinions, which were expressed in unpublished literary works and drew heavily on Nietzschean philosophy. The second part focuses on her political career within the Pan-German People's Party whose racial ideology of the Volksgemeinschaft combined aggressive anti-Semitism with the demand for Austrian union with Germany. It shows how Emmy Stradal tried to build alliances with women from other parties and sought to legitimise her demands for better funding of girl's education within the context of her party's anti-Semitic ideology.

"Ausgehend von einer Problematisierung des Begriffspaares 'Mensch und Staat' fokussiert der Beitrag auf die Politik zur Erzeugung nationaler Identität in Österreich nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. Anhand von Beispielen aus den ersten Nachkriegsjahrzehnten wird untersucht, wie Protagonisten und Protagonistinnen der politischen Eliten im Rahmen dieses parteienübergreifenden Projektes das nationale Kollektiv zugleich erzeugten und adressierten. Dabei wird nicht nur die enge Verbindung zwischen dem nationalen Projekt und der Externalisierung der nationalsozialistischen Vergangenheit des Landes untersucht, sondern es werden auch jene Strategien thematisiert, die die im Kontext nationalsozialistischer Rassenpolitik Vertriebenen und Ermordeten aus dem neu konstituierten Volksbegriff nochmals ausgrenzten und zugleich die Einbindung ehemaliger Nationalsozialisten und Nationalsozialistinnen ermöglichten. Als eine These wird dabei formuliert, dass angesichts der hohen Bedeutung, die der Erzeugung eines nationalen Kollektivs seitens zentraler politischer Funktionsträger des Staates zugemessen wurde, die Dekonstruktion offiziell propagierter Stereotype über das 'Volk' und die Sichtbarmachung der damit verbundenen Ausgrenzungen der Konstruktion des Untersuchungsraumes vorausgehen muss, indem nach den Wahrnehmungen des 'Staates' durch die Menschen, die in ihm leben, gefragt werden kann. Allgemeiner gefasst, wird daher postuliert, dass eine Erfahrungsgeschichte, die den Staat im lebensgeschichtlichen Horizont untersuchen will, die Untersuchung der spezifischen Formen, Bürger und Bürgerinnen eines Staates als das 'Volk' zu adressieren, als eine notwendige Voraussetzung begreifen muss." (Autorenreferat)

Taking the example of the German feminist activist Käthe Schirmacher (1865–1930), the article explores the significance of travel practices for political movements and argues for greater dialogue between travel studies and research on social movements. It demonstrates the growing mobility within European and North American women's movements at the end of the 19th century and argues that the internationalization of political and social movements at the turn of the century generated a new type of travelling activist. These activists not only built formal and informal networks and enabled the transfer of programs and perspectives, but also served as travelling role models with whom local activists could identify. In the 1890s, the young Käthe Schirmacher, who was born in Danzig, had studied in Paris, worked as a teacher in England and had obtained her doctorate (as one of the first German women) in Zurich, became an important protagonist in the emerging international network of the radical women's movement. Having to support herself, she made a profession out of her feminist activism. As a journalist and author of books on women's movement issues she regularly travelled around Europe as a speaker for local feminist organisations – a practice which was politically effective as well as rewarding. The article explores how Schirmacher developed this practice after her return from the international women's congress that was held on the occasion of the World's Fair in Chicago 1893. It analyses the textual strategies as well as the racist undertones by which she portrayed the US women's movement and its much-admired protagonists, and invented herself as a "modern woman" who cooperated with these feminist heroes. ; Taking the example of the German feminist activist Käthe Schirmacher (1865–1930), the article explores the significance of travel practices for political movements and argues for greater dialogue between travel studies and research on social movements. It demonstrates the growing mobility within European and North American women's movements at the end of the 19th century and argues that the internationalization of political and social movements at the turn of the century generated a new type of travelling activist. These activists not only built formal and informal networks and enabled the transfer of programs and perspectives, but also served as travelling role models with whom local activists could identify. In the 1890s, the young Käthe Schirmacher, who was born in Danzig, had studied in Paris, worked as a teacher in England and had obtained her doctorate (as one of the first German women) in Zurich, became an important protagonist in the emerging international network of the radical women's movement. Having to support herself, she made a profession out of her feminist activism. As a journalist and author of books on women's movement issues she regularly travelled around Europe as a speaker for local feminist organisations – a practice which was politically effective as well as rewarding. The article explores how Schirmacher developed this practice after her return from the international women's congress that was held on the occasion of the World's Fair in Chicago 1893. It analyses the textual strategies as well as the racist undertones by which she portrayed the US women's movement and its much-admired protagonists, and invented herself as a "modern woman" who cooperated with these feminist heroes.

This article discusses a discursive phenomenon: the prominent, arbitrary use of the name and biography of Eva Braun, Adolf Hitler's wife of his last hours before their joint suicide, as a cipher for privileged insight into the private life of the National Socialist elite. Unknown to the German public before 1945, Braun has attracted considerable attention since – as voyeuristic interest of the post-war (boulevard) press as well as as decontextualized icon of today's popular and high cultures. In this article, Johanna Gehmacher analyzes the differences and interrelations between the seemingly contradictory use of Eva Braun as icon and cipher in public discourse, arguing that we must approach historical figures in their specific contexts if we are to understand their political functions. ; This article discusses a discursive phenomenon: the prominent, arbitrary use of the name and biography of Eva Braun, Adolf Hitler's wife of his last hours before their joint suicide, as a cipher for privileged insight into the private life of the National Socialist elite. Unknown to the German public before 1945, Braun has attracted considerable attention since – as voyeuristic interest of the post-war (boulevard) press as well as as decontextualized icon of today's popular and high cultures. In this article, Johanna Gehmacher analyzes the differences and interrelations between the seemingly contradictory use of Eva Braun as icon and cipher in public discourse, arguing that we must approach historical figures in their specific contexts if we are to understand their political functions.

Johanna Gehmacher uses publications that have appeared on the occasion of the anniversary of the Republic since 1965 along with other sources to draw the image of Austria's constantly changing identity policy. She bases her observations on Renata Saslecl's theory of the fantasmatic roots of social identity discourses and the fact these are not definitive, but continuous and ongoing. Her focus is on the question of the different interpretations over the course of time and within the political spectrum. Gehmacher conforms with Felix Kreissler's theory of Austria's development as a collective educational nation. In light of very recent developments she argues that the very concept of identity must be called into question. ; Johanna Gehmacher uses publications that have appeared on the occasion of the anniversary of the Republic since 1965 along with other sources to draw the image of Austria's constantly changing identity policy. She bases her observations on Renata Saslecl's theory of the fantasmatic roots of social identity discourses and the fact these are not definitive, but continuous and ongoing. Her focus is on the question of the different interpretations over the course of time and within the political spectrum. Gehmacher conforms with Felix Kreissler's theory of Austria's development as a collective educational nation. In light of very recent developments she argues that the very concept of identity must be called into question.