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Robert Pape's well-received book, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (2005), presents what appears to be a gender-neutral study of both male and female suicide terrorists. Pape's main argument is that suicide terrorism is a strategic and rational terror campaign against democracies. While the study argues that male and female suicide terrorists are rational individuals, it depicts women as motivated by emotion. Thus, this article argues that gender-neutral work is rarely gender-neutral and such studies fail to recognize the social and political impact of gender. Furthermore, we argue that the rational choice model presented by Pape furthers the gender divide by emphasizing values associated with masculinity over values associated with femininity. As an alternative, we propose three propositions to change the study of suicide terrorism to include both political and emotional motivations. We propose that gendered presentations of female suicide bombers reify stereotypical images of gender and of suicide bombers, that silence about the complexity of suicide bombers' motivations does not erase the many variables that go into martyrs' decisions, and that adding emotion to the study of suicide bombing counterbalances the narrowness of the "strategic actor" model. The essay concludes with evidence from the study of the Chechen "black widows" that demonstrates the explanatory value of these propositions. Adapted from the source document.

'Robert Papes viel diskutiertes Buch 'Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism' (2005) zeigt deutlich die Selbstverständlichkeit eines vermeintlich geschlechtsneutralen Zugangs zur Analyse von männlichen und weiblichen SelbstmordterroristInnen. Papes Hauptargument ist, dass Selbstmordterrorismus eine durchaus rationale Strategie politischer AkteurInnen sei, der sich in Form von Kampagnen ausschließlich gegen Demokratien richte. Die Studie benennt zwar Männer wie Frauen als rationale politische Individuen bzw. AkteurInnen, betont zugleich aber bei Frauen stark den emotionalen Aspekt der Motivation. In diesem Artikel argumentieren die Verfasser, dass geschlechtsneutrale Studien wie die von Robert A. Pape nur vermeintlich geschlechtsneutral sind und gerade diese Annahme dazu führt, dass soziale und politische Dimensionen von Geschlechterordnungen ebenso wie die Vergeschlechtlichung des Sozialen und Politischen ausgeblendet werden. Darüber hinaus sagen die Verfasser, dass das Modell der Rational Choice Theorie, wie sie bei Pape eindrücklich angewendet wird, die Kluft zwischen den Geschlechtern noch vergrößert, indem 'männlichen' Werten der Vorzug gegenüber 'weiblichen' gegeben wird. Als Alternative schlagen die Verfasser eine dreifache Modifikation des Zugangs zu einer Beforschung von Selbstmordterrorismus vor, die sowohl politische als auch emotionale Motivationen inkludiert: Vergeschlechtlichte Repräsentationen von SelbstmordattentäterInnen verstärken Stereotype über Geschlecht sowie über Selbstmordterrorismus; das Ausblenden der Komplexität von Motivationen bringt die Vielfalt der Variablen, die in die Entscheidung der 'MärtyrerInnen' einfließen, nicht zum Verschwinden; und ein theoretischer Zugang, der das Emotionale in den Vordergrund stellt, könnte die Verengung des Rational Choice Ansatzes ausgleichen. Der Aufsatz schließt mit Belegen für unsere These am Beispiel der tschetschenischen 'Schwarzen Witwen', womit die der Verfasser Vorschläge als explanatorisch wertvoll diskutiert werden.' (Autorenreferat)

Just War scholarship has adapted to contemporary crises and situations. But its adaptation has spurned debate and conversation-a method and means of pushing its thinking forward. Now the Just War tradition risks becoming marginalized. This concern may seem out of place as Just War literature is proliferating, yet this literature remains welded to traditional conceptualizations of Just War. Caron E. Gentry and Amy E. Eckert argue that the tradition needs to be updated to deal with substate actors within the realm of legitimate authority, private military companies, and the questionable moral difference between the use of conventional and nuclear weapons. Additionally, as recent policy makers and scholars have tried to make the Just War criteria legalistic, they have weakened the tradition's ability to draw from and adjust to its contemporaneous setting. The essays in The Future of Just War seek to reorient the tradition around its core concerns of preventing the unjust use of force by states and limiting the harm inflicted on vulnerable populations such as civilian noncombatants. The pursuit of these challenges involves both a reclaiming of traditional Just War principles from those who would push it toward greater permissiveness with respect to war, as well as the application of Just War principles to emerging issues, such as the growing use of robotics in war or the privatization of force. These essays share a commitment to the idea that the tradition is more about a rigorous application of Just War principles than the satisfaction of a checklist of criteria to be met before waging "just" war in the service of national interest.

Violence against women/violence in the world : toward a feminist conceptualization of global violence / Jacqui True and Maria Tanyag -- Gender, structural violence and peace / Ronni Alexander -- Gender, race and the insecurity of 'security' / Maryam Khalid -- Feminist narrative approaches to security / Annick T.R. Wibben and Akanksha Mehta -- Gender, feminism and war theorizing / Laura Sjoberg -- Men, masculinity and global insecurity / Paul Higate -- Gendered and sexualized figurations of security / Cynthia Weber and Darcy Leigh -- Do queer visions trouble human security? / Michael J. Bosia -- Feminist violence and the in/securing of women and feminism / Anne Sisson Runyan and Marysia Zalewski -- Exploring gendered security dynamics through fieldwork and ethnography / Megan Daigle -- Gender and war / Julia Welland -- Gender and terrorism / Caron E. Gentry -- Gender and everyday violence / Alexandria J. Innes and Brent J. Steele -- Gendered militarism / Maya Eichler -- The gendered political economy of insecurity / V. Spike Peterson -- Gender and genocide : two case studies / Choman Hardi -- Migration and gendered insecurities in global politics / Meghana Nayak -- Gender, violence and technology / Cristina Masters -- Wartime sexual violence / Paul Kirby -- The role of gender in mobilizing and countering fundamentalist violent extremist organizations / Keith Proctor and Dyan Mazurana -- Embodied in/security as care needs / Tiina Vaittinen -- Gender, agency and violence / Elina Penttinen -- Memory, trauma and gendered insecurity / David Duriesmith -- The gendered myth of protection / Cecila Ase -- Sex, sexuality, reproduction and international security / Anna L. Weissman -- Gender, popular culture and (in)security / Linda Ahall -- Gender and the un women, peace and security agenda / Nicole George, Katrina Lee-Koo, and Laura J. Shepherd -- Peace processes and women's inclusion / Kara Ellerby -- Gender and peacekeeping / Sabrina Karim -- Gender and post-conflict reconstruction / Laura McLeod -- Gender and security sector reform / Megan Bastick -- Gender in international security organizations / Natalie Florea Hudson and Laura Huber -- Gender and state militaries / Melissa T. Brown -- Gender in paramilitary organizations / Sandra McEvoy.

Over the years, the 'Bush Doctrine' - that the security threats we face are entirely unprecedented - has echoed around the world. This book states that global security and stability is challenged not only by states and nuclear war, but by insurgency, disease, environmental degradation and military privatisation