Suchergebnisse

version présentée aux éditeurs scientifiques. La version finale est à consulter dans le livre. ; « L'arroseur arrosé » : cette figure a souvent été utilisée pour montrer que la démission de la Commission Santer était le résultat injuste des découvertes de ses propres services de lutte anti-fraude. C'est un autre sens qui lui est donné ici. Au delà des faits révélés, cet article s'interroge sur les mobilisations qui ont donné corps au scandale et montre que ces dernières peuvent s'interpréter comme une conséquence des multiples enjeux qu'a réveillées ou fait naître la promotion de la lutte anti-fraude par la Commission. Réponse du berger à la bergère – ou, en l'occurrence, des acteurs très différents qui entendent contester à la « gardienne des traités » sa prétention au contrôle du dispositif communautaire – l'entreprise morale au départ initiée par une Commission qui se voulait le "gouvernement de l'Europe" est ainsi devenue un enjeu bien au-delà du cercle de ses spécialistes. En analysant successivement ces deux facettes, cette contribution revient sur l'hétérogénéité et sur la dynamique des usages politiques d'une politique de moralisation. Ce faisant, il pointe comment, de place en place et au gré de ces expérimentations multiples, la lutte contre la corruption s'est structurée comme un horizon indépassable de la « nouvelle gouvernance » au tournant du nouveau millénaire.

Version présentée à la revue. La version définitive est à consulté dans Cultures et Conflits ; La démission de la Commission Santer est souvent présentée comme un évènement fondateur témoignant d'une victoire de la démocratie sur la technocratie. En revenant sur la dynamique du scandale dans une perspective de sociologie des crises politiques et des mobilisations, cet article montre que cette « crise » et les interprétations qui en ont résulté ont été permises par des processus bien différents. D'une part, des transformations liées à un ensemble de tensions internes à la Commission, et plus particulièrement aux effets du déplacement nordiste et « managérial » de son centre de gravité sur le climat administratif ; d'autre part, une redéfinition des relations entre les membres du Collège, les parlementaires et les journalistes passant par la mise en cohérence de chacun de ces groupes et le recours à des savoir-faire politiques nouveaux au sein des institutions européennes. En ce sens, et au-delà d'un cas de scandale, c'est sur les différentes facettes de la politisation des institutions européennes que revient cette contribution.

Cette version est celle donnée aux éditeurs ; elle ne comprend pas les dernières retouches ou corrections apportées (pour la version finale, cf. le livre) ; Bien qu'incontournable, la figure de l'eurocrate a peu été analysée pour elle-même. Généralement, les auteurs cherchent à rompre avec le mythe d'eurofonctionnaires surpuissants. Contre le mythe, ils restituent — souvent à juste titre — toute la complexité des mécanismes de décision pour conclure au pouvoir relatif de la commission et de ses fonctionnaires . Si le mythe de l'eurocrate peut apparaître comme une illusion, cet article montre qu'il s'agit — à l'instar de ce Durkheim appelle une « illusion bien fondée » — , d'une illusion fondée dans les processus même de la construction politique de l'Europe. Provenant tout à la fois d'une mise à distance du groupe par ses adversaires et d'une réappropriation partielle, les représentations opaques dans lesquelles sont drapés les eurofonctionnaires peuvent en ce sens se lire comme l'indice d'une institutionnalisation en voie d'achèvement.

International audience ; Jusqu'à une date récente peu de travaux de science politique ont concerné la construction européenne en France. Pendant longtemps, l'Europe a représenté une affaire relevant de la technique économique ou juridique et concernant peu une science politique française tournée, pour l'essentiel, vers des études nationales. Dans le milieu des années quatre-vingt, un tournant s'est toutefois produit porté par Jean-Louis Quermonne puis par une nouvelle génération de politistes, spécialistes des politiques publiques ou de sociologie politique. Cette absence puis le renouvellement récent est à l'image du processus d'institutionnalisation de l'Union européenne et des débats politiques dont ils sont l'occasion. Aussi est-ce à cette histoire en miroir qu'invite ce bref inventaire — et surtout cette invitation à la lecture — des travaux de science politique française sur la construction européenne

A Science out of Step? The Origins and Uses of "Socio-Styles" by the Advanced Communication Centre Among the many classifications of social groups that private research centres produced in the 1970's and 1980's, the "socio-styles" developed by Bernard Cathelat and the Centre for Advanced Communication was the most widely circulated and set off the most lively controversies. It was claimed that this approach was based on the invention of "original" categories distinctive from those used by Insee and academic sociology. This article analyses the positions and trajectories of "socio-style" authors in the various fields of social recognition where they were always "out of step". Turning this situation to their advantage, they ensured the success of their classification system which ultimately appeared to be the combined result of an ability to take advantage of a "crisis of representation" that produced it and in which it was one of the players.

The word Eurocracy has resonance throughout out Europe but in reality we know little about the people who work in and around the EU or how they fit into its large bureaucratic framework. Based on extensive fieldwork, this book addresses this problem by exploring the MEPs, diplomats, civil servants and commissioners that work in and around the EU. Philippe Aldrin, Sciences Po Aix, France Willy Beauvallet, University of Strasbourg, France Filippa Chatzistavrou, ELIAMEP foundation, Athens, Greece Guillaume Courty, Sciences Po Lille, France François-Xavier Dudouet, University of Paris-Dauphine, France Eric Grémont, Observatory of Capitalist structures (OpesC) Frederic Lebaron, University of Picardie, France Sébastien Michon, University of Strasbourg, France Hélénè Michel, University of Strasbourg, France Audrey Pageaut, University of Strasbourg, France Cécile Robert, Sciences Po Lyon, France Antoine Vion, University of Aix-Marseille, France Anne-Catherine, University of Paris I Sorbonne, France

"The term 'Eurocracy' is a word that exists in all European languages. Yet beyond fantasized representations of the 'Brussels bubble', we know little about members of the European Parliament, Commissioners, European civil servants, lobbyists, members of the Governing Council of the European Central Bank, European trade unionists, diplomats and journalists who work in or around the EU institutions? What are their social and professional trajectories, the type of authority they possess, and how does it matter? Based on extensive fieldwork, this volume aims at answering these questions by building upon Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the field of bureaucracy. 45 years after Altiero Spinelli's 'The Eurocrats', this book sheds new light on the relational structures that underpin the functioning of the EU polity. Specialists of European affairs, scholars and students in politics, administration and sociology as well as citizens will find original insights to understanding EU institutions and why the European project appears to be in crisis."--

Cet article porte sur une analyse statistique des directeurs et directrices de l'administration du triangle institutionnel européen et des agences. Quels sont les profils des directeurs et directrices, en quoi diffèrent-ils et que nous disent-ils plus largement des structures sociologiques du pouvoir administratif au sein des institutions de l'Union européenne ? Pour le comprendre, l'article analyse le profil de 95 directeurs d'administration européenne au prisme de différentes variables socio-biographiques (âge, sexe, nationalité) et liées aux types de carrières et à la formation. On procède enfin à une analyse par correspondance multiple pour construire la cartographie de cette fraction administrative du champ de l'eurocratie.

Abstract
In this paper, we establish the theoretical topography of a sample of these actors, their dispositions and their resources to grasp the relational dynamics (including the dynamics of inertia and of change) at work in the translation of the economic, social and political inputs into policy choices. This way of doing seems to us a good means to contribute to the current debate on the unexpected resilience of austerity policies and the need for 'structural reforms' at the EU level. How to explain, indeed, that whereas many observers thought after the first Obama election that the end of 2000 would mark a 'lasting paradigm change' to neo-Keynesianism the advisability of pursuing a new policy was so rapidly shut down? How to sociologically contribute to explain the strong continuity of the former paradigm inside European institutions and simultaneously the rather marginal adjustments it underwent?

International audience ; »Yanis (Varoufakis), der Minotaurus und das Feld der Eurokratie«. This paper aims to show the binding force within the social field of Eurocracy and, more specifically, the subfield of the European economic governance, through the singular case of Yanis Varoufakis's experience as Greek minister of finance. Why is it that, while many elements might have suggested that Varoufakis was not lacking resources, his passage from economics into politics ended up in a fairly brutal shock and a mutual exclusion so extremely invested in on the symbolic level? The paper's hypothesis is that a substantial part of the strategies of the epistemic agent Varoufakis-an experienced economist as well as new ruler and new politician in the EU game-were completely out of tune with the structure of the field. To show this, the paper deliberately breaks with the causal analysis of the bargain inside the Eurogroup to build on the use of two multiple correspondence analyses (MCA). The first describes a view of (and from) the silent fraction of the field, composed of insiders in the European administrations. The second reconstructs Varoufakis's own relational position and vision of the game from the book he wrote on his experience. Thanks to these two approaches, we combine a descriptive-institutional and a narrativeindividual construction of the same social space to explore its deep structure and effects in an innovative way.

International audience ; »Yanis (Varoufakis), der Minotaurus und das Feld der Eurokratie«. This paper aims to show the binding force within the social field of Eurocracy and, more specifically, the subfield of the European economic governance, through the singular case of Yanis Varoufakis's experience as Greek minister of finance. Why is it that, while many elements might have suggested that Varoufakis was not lacking resources, his passage from economics into politics ended up in a fairly brutal shock and a mutual exclusion so extremely invested in on the symbolic level? The paper's hypothesis is that a substantial part of the strategies of the epistemic agent Varoufakis-an experienced economist as well as new ruler and new politician in the EU game-were completely out of tune with the structure of the field. To show this, the paper deliberately breaks with the causal analysis of the bargain inside the Eurogroup to build on the use of two multiple correspondence analyses (MCA). The first describes a view of (and from) the silent fraction of the field, composed of insiders in the European administrations. The second reconstructs Varoufakis's own relational position and vision of the game from the book he wrote on his experience. Thanks to these two approaches, we combine a descriptive-institutional and a narrativeindividual construction of the same social space to explore its deep structure and effects in an innovative way.

This paper aims to show the binding force within the social field of Eurocracy and, more specifically, the subfield of the European economic governance, through the singular case of Yanis Varoufakis's experience as Greek minister of finance. Why is it that, while many elements might have suggested that Varoufakis was not lacking resources, his passage from economics into politics ended up in a fairly brutal shock and a mutual exclusion so extremely invested in on the symbolic level? The paper's hypothesis is that a substantial part of the strategies of the epistemic agent Varoufakis – an experienced economist as well as new ruler and new politician in the EU game – were completely out of tune with the structure of the field. To show this, the paper deliberately breaks with the causal analysis of the bargain inside the Eurogroup to build on the use of two multiple correspondence analyses (MCA). The first describes a view of (and from) the silent fraction of the field, composed of insiders in the European administrations. The second reconstructs Varoufakis's own relational position and vision of the game from the book he wrote on his experience. Thanks to these two approaches, we combine a descriptive-institutional and a narrative-individual construction of the same social space to explore its deep structure and effects in an innovative way.

This paper aims to show the binding force within the social field of Eurocracy and, more specifically, the subfield of the European economic governance, through the singular case of Yanis Varoufakis's experience as Greek minister of finance. Why is it that, while many elements might have suggested that Varoufakis was not lacking resources, his passage from economics into politics ended up in a fairly brutal shock and a mutual exclusion so extremely invested in on the symbolic level? The paper's hypothesis is that a substantial part of the strategies of the epistemic agent Varoufakis - an experienced economist as well as new ruler and new politician in the EU game - were completely out of tune with the structure of the field. To show this, the paper deliberately breaks with the causal analysis of the bargain inside the Eurogroup to build on the use of two multiple correspondence analyses (MCA). The first describes a view of (and from) the silent fraction of the field, composed of insiders in the European administrations. The second reconstructs Varoufakis's own relational position and vision of the game from the book he wrote on his experience. Thanks to these two approaches, we combine a descriptive-institutional and a narrative-individual construction of the same social space to explore its deep structure and effects in an innovative way.