Suchergebnisse

Subjectivity sets the limits of a state's powers and its place in the global legal and political order, being a fundamental element of international relations. It encompasses various elements, including the national language, which plays a key role in building identity and emphasising independence. The Russian aggression against Ukraine in 2014 demonstrated the role of the Russian language as a geopolitical tool, used by the Kremlin to deny Ukraine's subjectivity and challenge its separate identity. In view of this, the Ukrainian language began to play an important role as in the struggle for the separate identity of the Ukrainian people and state, as well as for its independence. The international community's perception of the state through the prism of subjectivity is influenced by linguistic practices, such as the transliteration of geographical names or the use of specific terminology. In order to strengthen subjectivity and emancipation from the 'Russian world', Ukraine is taking various measures, such as the initiative to change the spelling of the capital's name from 'Kiev' to 'Kyiv' in English. The international perception of the Ukrainian state and its subjectivity are also influenced by linguistic devices and language practices in other languages. An analysis of English-speaking, Russian-speaking and Polish-speaking discourses in the context of Ukraine reveals similarities and differences in the way its subjectivity is defined. Language thus becomes an important element in the struggle for the state's subjectivity and the construction of its identity in the international community.

Artykuł podejmuje zagadnienie koniecznej dekonstrukcji rosyjskich mitów historycznych, za pomocą których Władimir Putin legitymizuje wojnę przeciwko Ukrainie, jako kluczowego elementu trwałego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. Zwrócono uwagę, że ich nieuwzględnianie przez społeczność międzynarodową przyczyniło się do nieprawidłowej interpretacji działań Rosji i niedocenienia pozycji Ukrainy. Przez wieki Rosja stworzyła imperium kłamstwa, które pozbawiło Ukrainę historii, dziedzictwa, odrębnej tożsamości i zbudowało dominującą rosyjską narrację historyczną. Nawet po aneksji Krymu i inwazji na Ukrainę w 2022 r., rosyjskie mity nadal są na Zachodzie powszechne w podręcznikach, książkach, a także w programach akademickich. Jeśli nie zostaną poddane dekonstrukcji, bezpieczeństwo Ukrainy będzie zagrożone nawet po wygranej wojnie z Rosją. W opracowaniu wskazano na potrzebę zmiany perspektywy społeczności międzynarodowej wobec Ukrainy oraz konieczność poznania i zrozumienia jej spuścizny, odrębnej historii, kultury i tożsamości. Niezwykle istotne jest, aby badacze, historycy, eksperci, dziennikarze i aktywna część społeczeństwa wspólnie pracowali na rzecz przeciwdziałania rosyjskim manipulacjom historycznym.

The article aims to look at Russian culture as a soft power through the prism of the large-scale invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and to analyze the changes in its perception that have occurred as a result of these events. Russian culture, especially high culture, is known and appreciated in the world, which gives it the power of attraction and the possibility of exerting influence. At the same time, it is not only a source of prestige and a tool for promoting Russia, but also spreading Russian imperial myths that contributed to the invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, the operation of Russian cultural institutions outside the borders of the Russian Federation is strictly controlled by the authorities, and its popularization is treated as a "special operation". Russian culture imposed imperial optics on the perception of "near abroad", deprived Ukraine of the right to its history, identity and cultural heritage. Due to its colonial nature, it does not perceive the suffering of oppressed nations, and is therefore unable to prevent the tragedy of their destruction, as is the case with Ukraine and its culture. As a result of the initiated war, Russia has embezzled some of its soft power. However, there is no consensus among the international community regarding the imposition of sanctions on Russian culture. Ukrainian cultural activists accuse the international community of hypocrisy because, in defending Russian culture, it does not perceive the deliberate and systematic destruction of Ukrainian culture. Russian culture requires a reinterpretation and unmasking of the imperial optics, as consuming it indiscriminately poses a threat to the national security of the "near abroad" states.

Thirty years after Ukraine regained independence, in many areas of social life, Ukrainian as the state language is still ignored, eliminated or marginalized. The state status for this language in the Ukrainian Constitution of 1996 did not grant it such a function due to the post-colonial domination of the Russian language, the post-Soviet legacy of non-compliance with the law and impunity in breaking the law. The annexation of Crimea and Russian aggression in eastern Ukraine, under the pretext of defending the Russian-speaking population, made the ruling elite and Ukrainian citizens aware of the importance of the language issue for state security and conditioned the need for institutional and legal protection of the Ukrainian language as a state language. The establishment of the institution of the ombudsman of the state language has become a new element in the legal system of Ukraine. The ombudsman's activity in the field of controlling the use of the state language, its protection, functioning and development is an effective instrument for the implementation of the state's language policy. The legal protection of the Ukrainian language as a state language and the establishment of the institution of the linguistic ombudsman is received positively by the majority of Ukrainian society. Criticism from pro-Russian circles and the Russian government shows how important role the language issue plays in the hybrid war with Russia.

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