Pathways to incorporation -- Latino politics before World War II -- The emergence of new voices -- Into the mainstream -- Voters, parties, and Latino political development -- Variations on power : Miami, San Antonio, and Los Angeles -- A surge of representation in the Salinas Valley -- Today's Latino elected officials -- Latino politics in the new millennium.
Examines the forces that fueled the growth and restructuring of the industry, the local effects, and how immigrant workers responded to the internationalization of the industry; includes a case study of the Hotel Employees and Restaurant Employees (HERE) Local 11 efforts to gain justice.
One of the legacies of the asian-american experience is the formation of distinctive ethnic neighborhoods. Today, new forms of enclaves have taken shape distant from the downtown locations of the traditional urban enclaves of Chinatown and Japantowns. Yet, since the late 1960s, it is within urban sites that Asian Americans have most intensely mobilized and built their organizational resources for social justice. This article will focus on Asian-American activism in urban communities, particularly traditional Asian ethnic enclaves, around land use, affordable housing, and labor and community preservation. In doing so, we explore the reasons struggles unfolded in these enclaves, drawing and building on activism within Asian-American communities, as well as the continuing relevance of ethnic enclaves to Asian-American efforts to achieve social justice. To understand the role of ethnic enclaves in the economy and politics of the Asian-American community, we provide a brief history and description of the types of Asian ethnic enclaves. We examine the historic intersection and evolution of enclaves and social justice organizing, the role of community activists in ethnic enclave-based struggles, the contemporary state of enclave activism, and the prospects for continuing activism. Adapted from the source document.
Asian Americans constitute a newly emerging player in California local and state politics. The recent elections of Van Tran, Leland Yee, Alan Nakanishi, and Alberto Torrico to the California State Assembly not only serve as state-level examples of this point but also demonstrate the ethnic, partisan, and geographic diversity of eight Asian Americans in the California State Assembly.1 Although numerical gains have occurred at the state level, the local- level represents the area where Asian American candidates have found their greatest political success in California politics. For example, 68 Asian Americans currently serve on city councils throughout California, the largest number among all states, including Hawaii.2
This is an exploratory study of the impact of Latino and Asian American elected officials on their respective groups' political incorporation. The authors argue that Latino and Asian American elected officials' paths to elected office do not always fit the biracial coalition model of political incorporation for minorities, and instead suggest a reconstructed model to explain the distinctive character of Latino and Asian American group efforts toward political representation. The results of this paper are based on information gathered from two nationwide mail surveys of Latino elected officials (LEOs) and Asian American elected officials (AAEOs). The 2000 National Asian American and Latino Elected Officials Survey was conducted in Fall 2000 with interviews of elected officials held in 2001. The 1999 National Asian American Elected Officials Survey was conducted in May 1999 with interviews of elected officials held throughout 2000. This paper focuses on analyzing the means by which Latinos and Asian Americans have achieved political power, their sources of community support, and the resources they needed to successfully win office. It also examines current Latinalo and Asian American office-holders and explores whether they direct policy benefits to their respective communities. The results of these surveys indicate that Latino and Asian American politicians are on average older, more financially secure, and better educated than their respective general populations. They also are more liberal ideologically than the general populations. The analysis further reveals that the percentage of ethnic population is a stronger determinant for the election of Latino politicians than for Asian American politicians. A significant number of LEOs aim their policies to benefit primarily the Latino community, whereas AAEOs focus on broader community issues due to their districts' demographics. Ethnicity, however, can play a significant role for AAEOs, particularly in raising campaign contributions from their communities. This paper concludes that despite internal heterogeneity and structural barriers that have limited both groups' political advancement, Latino and Asian American political activists are using a variety of methods to achieve political incorporation and policy responsiveness at the local and state levels.