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Focusing on four East European polities-Bosnia, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Romania--this book examines the dynamics and implications of processes of commercialization of security that have occurred following the collapse of communist regimes. These processes have been central to post-communist liberalization, and have profoundly shaped those states and their integration into European institutional structures and global economic and political circuits. They have also affected--and been shaped by--the behaviour and power of regional and global actors (e.g. European institutions, regional, and global corporations) in Eastern Europe. By virtue of the fact that they combine in complex ways local, national, regional, and global dynamics and actors, processes of security commercialization in the former Eastern bloc can be seen as instances of 'glocalization'

This text examines the evolution of security practices carried out in the Euro-Atlantic area in the name of fighting international terrorism. With particular emphasis on three key institutions of the transatlantic security community: the EU NATO and the OSCE.

This text examines the evolution of security practices carried out in the Euro-Atlantic area in the name of fighting international terrorism. With particular emphasis on three key institutions of the transatlantic security community: the EU NATO and the OSCE

AbstractThese days, when we hear the slogan 'let's make our country great again' we almost automatically assume the state concerned is the US, and the leader uttering the slogan is President Trump. This article invites readers to explore the discourse and practices through which another national leader is seeking to restore his country's 'greatness' and promote national and international security. The leader concerned is France's Emmanuel Macron. Why focus on the French president? Because since his election he has become the most dynamic European leader, on a mission to enhance France's international stature, and to do so via a broader process of protecting and empowering the EU. More broadly, France stands out as a country whose political leadership has long been committed to the goal of playing a global role. As Pernille Rieker reminds us, 'Since 1945, French foreign policy has been dominated by the explicit ambition of restoring the country's greatness [la grandeur de la France], justified in terms of French exceptionalism'.1Macron has cast his vision of national/European greatness, security, and international order in opposition to the isolationist, rigidly nationalist visions articulated by his domestic opponents and, internationally, by President Trump. In his view, France and Europe can only be secure if they defeat the illiberal ideas advocated by the increasingly vocal political forces, particularly far-right movements, seeking to undermine the core values and multilateral principles of the post-1945 international order. Under these circumstances, an analysis of Macron's policies and practices of grandeur can help us gain a better understanding of the competition between liberal and illiberal worldviews – a competition that is increasingly pronounced within the Western world.

This paper examines some of the challenges involved in recent efforts to create a new community of practice that brings together - within the domain of peacebuilding - NATO and humanitarian actors. In recognition of the need to promote systematic cooperation between the alliance and the humanitarian community, NATO has launched several initiatives aimed at constructing a domain of shared knowledge and common procedures, and, on this basis, cultivating mutual trust and a sense of membership in the same community between representatives of the alliance and members of the NGO community. While these initiatives have enjoyed a certain degree of success, at the deeper level the process of forging a new community of practice among these actors remains challenging and fraught with tension. !is process has been rendered particularly complicated by the fact that some of the new initiatives challenge fundamental assumptions about self-identity and purpose both in NATO and within the humanitarian community. Indeed, efforts to construct a new community of practice in the domain of peacebuilding both reflect and contribute to intense debates and contestations within the Atlantic Alliance as well as among NGOs about their evolving identities and, linked to that, appropriate logics of action in the future.

Résumé L'élargissement de l'OTAN à l'est a été une des dimensions les plus importantes de la redéfinition de l'Alliance après la Guerre froide. Cet objectif visait à étendre l'aire de sécurité atlantique tout en contribuant à la stabilité de l'ancien bloc communiste. Si ce processus a bénéficié du soutien d'une large part des élites politiques en Europe de l'Est, il a dans le même temps suscité une profonde méfiance en Russie. Après bien des années de tensions, la période récente semble propice à l'émergence d'un vrai partenariat avec la Russie. Cependant, comme le suggère cet article, un tel rapprochement paraît plus difficile que ce que peuvent en dire certains experts. La coopération avec la Russie est sans doute possible, et nécessaire, sur des points bien précis, mais elle n'efface pas pour autant les différences substantielles entre l'OTAN et la Russie, qui ne peuvent que persister.