Suchergebnisse

Because the prejudice of the ingroup builds into fear of the outgroup, jihadist terrorism is expected to strengthen the politicized link between security and immigration. I use a causal inference in a clustered cross-country analysis to test the simultaneous short-run causal impact of the jihadist threat on security fear and ethnic prejudice of the public in Israel, the Netherlands, Russia, Sweden, France, and Germany. In line with common wisdom, jihadist attacks significantly increase security fear. Against it, jihadist attacks non-significantly decrease ethnic prejudice. This empirical pattern holds in across different types of immigration attitudes, ethnic groups, intervals of time and terrorist events, and is robust to placebo treatments, placebo policy preferences, fake and failed terror attacks. These findings challenge extant consensus, and suggest that jihadist attacks, particularly at the local level, induce risk-aversion rather than desire for retaliation.

Thanks to a passage of Coryat's Crudities (1611), where the English traveller describes his visit to Brescia (August 1608), now is possible to reconstruct a lost commemorative plaque, once placed upon the internal wall of the local Broletto (City Hall). The inscription upon that marble plaque, dated 1591, was erased almost one hundred years later (1692) by the authorities of Venetian Republic, worried for the growing selfglorification of patrician magistrates. Luckily Coryat transcribed the inscription, dedicated to Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), statesman and historiographer of the Venetian Republic, capitano of Brescia from 1590 to 1592, when he was appointed as Ambassador to Rome. Starting from the discovery of this lost inscription, this essay tries to investigate how Paolo Paruta, a refined political writer but also an able statesman, took his 2 year office in Brescia, at that time the second city of Venetian Terraferma.

Because the prejudice of the ingroup builds into fear of the outgroup, jihadist terrorism is expected to strengthen the politicized link between security and immigration. I use a causal inference in a clustered cross-country analysis to test the simultaneous short-run causal impact of the jihadist threat on security fear and ethnic prejudice of the public in Israel, the Netherlands, Russia, Sweden, France, and Germany. In line with common wisdom, jihadist attacks significantly increase security fear. Against it, jihadist attacks non-significantly decrease ethnic prejudice. This empirical pattern holds in across different types of immigration attitudes, ethnic groups, intervals of time and terrorist events, and is robust to placebo treatments, placebo policy preferences, fake and failed terror attacks. These findings challenge extant consensus, and suggest that jihadist attacks, particularly at the local level, induce risk-aversion rather than desire for retaliation.

The essay provides all available data useful for the discovering of an up-to-now lost text by Paolo Paruta (Venice, 1540-1598), the Risposta [Reply] to Lettera XXX by Pseudo-Dante, a fake letter published in 1547 by Florentine Anton Francesco Doni, in order to arouse a bitter anti-Venetian controversy. New evidence shows that one copy of Paruta's Risposta lay in Gian Vincenzo Pinelli library (located in Padua). In fact, Paruta and Pinelli shared a lot of interests and friends in the middle and late 16th century Padua and Venice. ; Il saggio presenta tutti i dati disponibili utili al ritrovamento di un testo per ora fantasma, quale la Risposta di Paolo Paruta (Venezia, 1540 - 1598) alla Lettera XXX dello pseudo-Dante, falso d'autore editando il quale nel 1547 il fiorentino Anton Francesco Doni scatenò una violenta polemica politica anti-veneziana. Nuove ricerche dimostrano come nella celebre biblioteca padovana di Gian Vincenzo Pinelli fosse conservata una copia della Risposta. Paruta e Pinelli, infatti, condividevano molti interessi e conoscenze negli ambienti della Padova e della Venezia del Secondo Cinquecento.

During the mid-1560s, Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), future Ambassador of the Republic of Venice in Rome (1591-1595) and author of the three books of Perfettione della Vita Politica (Venice, 1579) wrote some poems: the canzone Donna, che fosti tra le donne un Sole, and three somnets. The former was then published in Dionigi Atanagi's Rime di diversi nobilissimi et eccellentissimi autori, in morte della Signora Irene delle Signore di Spilimbergo (Venice, 1561), the latters were insert in Diomede Borghesi's anthology for Cinzia Braccioduro Garzadori (then published in Padua, 1567, without Paruta's somnets). Writing those juvenile poems and making them circulate among the Venetian literary circles (such as Domenico Venier's), Paruta was looking not only for artistic approval, but also for social visibility: the canzone and the somnets were part of his wider strategy for social climbing inside Venetian patrician ruling class. ; During the mid-1560s, Paolo Paruta (1540-1598), future Ambassador of the Republic of Venice in Rome (1591-1595) and author of the three books of Perfettione della Vita Politica (Venice, 1579) wrote some poems: the canzone Donna, che fosti tra le donne un Sole, and three somnets. The former was then published in Dionigi Atanagi's Rime di diversi nobilissimi et eccellentissimi autori, in morte della Signora Irene delle Signore di Spilimbergo (Venice, 1561), the latters were insert in Diomede Borghesi's anthology for Cinzia Braccioduro Garzadori (then published in Padua, 1567, without Paruta's somnets). Writing those juvenile poems and making them circulate among the Venetian literary circles (such as Domenico Venier's), Paruta was looking not only for artistic approval, but also for social visibility: the canzone and the somnets were part of his wider strategy for social climbing inside Venetian patrician ruling class.

Highly educated individuals tend to be less supportive of redistribution by most accounts because they have more to lose and less to gain from it. In this article, we use European Social Survey data to develop the argument that university education reduces support for redistribution in large part independently of the improved material circumstances with which it is associated. While university encourages a range of progressive ideas related to cultural inclusivity, it simultaneously encourages conservative redistribution preferences that are reinforced—but only partly explained—by the economic security it tends to provide. In short, European universities foster norms of cultural inclusion, while simultaneously eroding norms of economic solidarity.

AbstractThere is a long tradition of imputation studies looking at how abstainers would vote if they had to. This is crucial for democracies because when abstainers and voters have different preferences, the electoral outcome ceases to reflect the will of the people. In this paper, we apply a non-parametric method to revisit old evidence. We impute the vote of abstainers in 15 European countries using Coarsened Exact Matching (CEM). While traditional imputation methods rely on the choice of voters that are on average like abstainers, and simulate full turnout, CEM only imputes the vote of the abstainers that are similar to voters, and allows to simulate an electoral outcome under varying levels of turnout, including levels that credibly simulate compulsory voting. We find that higher turnout would benefit social democratic parties while imposing substantial losses to extreme left and green parties.

Citizens must hold accurate beliefs about politically relevant facts to preserve democratic representation, accountability and legislation. We theorize that, abstracting from one's background, schooling per se does not trigger the epistemological sophistication that is necessary to get a grasp of the political world. In this article, we study whether schooling improves the accuracy of factual beliefs about the share of foreigners and unemployed, later in life. We derive an appealing metric of belief accuracy, matching survey respondents' beliefs with the corresponding real-world datum at the time of the interview in their country, retrieving high levels of inaccuracy in both issues. More educated individuals display higher belief accuracy, most likely due to selection, rather than causality: compelling otherwise-dropouts to stay in school by extending compulsory education does not entail a significant effect on belief accuracy, in both issues. Taken together, cross-sectional and causal estimates suggest that education is necessary, but not sufficient, to contrast inaccurate beliefs.