The framework of linguistic intergroup bias is used to understand the interplay language use & cognitive biases in political conflicts. The hypothesis that desirable ingroup & undesirable outgroup behaviors are described in more abstract terms than undesirable ingroup behavior & desirable outgroup behavior was tested using G. Semin & K. Fiedler's (1988) categorical linguistic model in two studies of political conflict. In the first, 123 subjects from two opposing social movements -- 63 from Coordination de Gesto por la Paz(Coordinated Action for Peace [CGP]) & 60 from Herri Batasuna (supporting Basque independence) -- described the behaviors of models pictured wearing either CGP or Basque independence symbols. In the second study, the descriptions of victim & aggressor in a nationalist & nonnationalist murder in editorials of two nationalist -- Elgin & Deia -- & two nonnationalist -- Diario Vasco & ABC -- newspapers were analyzed. In both cases, with ANOVAs & qualitative analysis, respectively, the hypothesis was confirmed. 4 Tables, 22 References. Adapted from the source document.
AbstractDependency and care assistance during old age has become an increasing focus of debate and change in society. Consequently, people must cope with diverse and even contradictory values and ideas about the issue. This study aimed to understand the social representations of dependency based on the dialogical approach of the Social Representations theory. Total 26 semi‐structured interviews were conducted in the Basque Country (north of Spain) with relatives, care workers, and older adult care recipients. The thematic analysis results show that social representations are articulated around seven themes, reflecting people's tensions and contradictions at cultural, organizational, and relational levels. In addition, the polyphasic and dynamic nature of social representations is discussed, addressing current public debates about the meaning of dependency in a changing sociocultural context.
The Linguistic Intergroup Bias is defined as the tendency to describe positive ingroup and negative outgroup behaviors in more abstract linguistic categories than negative ingroup and positive outgroup behavior (Fiedler et al, 2003). Basing itself on Moscovici"s idea that "something" is beyond the text, (1994, p. 163), three studies analyze the use of language in newspaper editorials. Editorials were selected from different newspapers describing differ-ent political relevant events: the killing of politicians, the truce of ETA, and the banning of a Basque newspaper. Verbs and adjectives were coded according to the Linguistic Category Model (Semin & Fiedler 1988). According to the LCM, results show that newspapers transmit their point of view by describing differently member aggressors from the ingroup and from the outgroup (Study 1 and 3). Results also show that this effect lasts even when the explicit conflictive situation is no longer going on (Study 2). In sum, results showed that a subtle language use expressing dispositional driven regulations is used depending on the position taken by the media. Finally, the pertinence of the Theory of Social Representations to ex-plain the use of different normative pragmatic regulations is discussed to understand this pragmatic use of language that is so consistent in the mass media. ; El Sesgo Lingüístico Intergrupal se define como la tendencia a describir comportamientos positivos del endogrupo y negativos del exogrupo en categorías linguísticas más abstractas que el comportamiento negativo en el endogrupo y el positivo en el exogrupo (Fiedler, Bluemke, Friese & Hofmann, 2003). Basándose en la idea de Moscovici que "algo" está de-trás del texto (1994, p. 163), se presentan tres estudios que analizan el uso del lenguaje en editoriales de periódicos. Se seleccionaron editoriales de periódicos diversos en los que se describen diferentes eventos políticos relevantes: asesinato de políticos, la tregua de ETA y la censura de un periódico vasco. Los verbos y los adjetivos fueron codificados de acuerdo con el Modelo de Categorías Linguísticas (Semin & Fiedler 1988). De acuerdo con el MCL, los resultados muestran que los periódicos transmiten su perspectiva al describir de manera diferente a los agresores de los miembros del endogrupo y del exogrupo (Estudios 1 y 3). Los resultados también muestran que dicho efecto persiste incluso cuando la situación con-flictiva ya no está presente (Estudio 2). En suma, los resultados muestran que, dependien-do de la perspectiva de la posición tomada por el medio, se produce un uso sutil del len-guaje, el cual expresa regulaciones dirigidas por disposiciones. Finalmente, se discute la pertinencia de la Teoría de las Representaciones Sociales para explicar el uso de las dife-rentes regulaciones normativas, para entender este uso pragmático del lenguaje, tan con-sistente en los medios de comunicación.
AbstractUnconditional basic income (UBI) is a redistributive policy proposal that is receiving increasing attention in the Spanish political sphere. Welfare attitudes literature has shown that support for UBI is higher among left‐wing citizens and those of lower socioeconomic status. However, previous studies have not addressed the mediating role of ideological values such as egalitarianism or meritocratism in supporting UBI. Furthermore, studies have not considered the interactive relationship between ideological and self‐interest motives when studying attitudes toward UBI. Drawing on modernization theory, we propose that individuals' socioeconomic status conditions the role of ideological motivations in shaping support for UBI. To test this hypothesis, we study data from two different surveys conducted in Spain in 2017 (N = 1958) and 2021 (N = 2004). Our findings suggest that ideology is a less relevant motivation for supporting UBI among the Spanish citizens of lower socioeconomic status, but it becomes increasingly salient among higher‐status citizens. Among the latter, egalitarian values lead leftists to support UBI, whereas anti‐egalitarian and meritocratic values lead rightists to anti‐UBI positions. We discuss these findings within the framework of modernization theory, addressing support for UBI by different social groups and the ability of this policy proposal to elicit broad‐based support.
The framing of the message as promoter of gains or restorer of losses and its relationship with Self-orientations is analyzed in relation to the acceptance or rejection of the Law on Gender Equality, passed by the Spanish Parliament in 2007. Two independent studies were designed with psychology students (93 women and 47 men).The first study manipulated both the framing of the message and permanent Self-orientation; and the second manipulated the framing of the message, as well as inducing Self-orientations. Results show stability of core elements of the law and differences in specific aspects. The relevance and importance of the Theory of Social Representations to analyze this phenomenon is discussed. ; Se investigó el rol de enmarcamiento del mensaje como promotor de ganancias o como restaurador de pérdidas y su relación con las orientaciones del self en relación a la aceptación o rechazo a la Ley de la Igualdad de Género, aprobada por el Parlamento Español en 2007. Se diseñaron dos estudios independientes con estudiantes de Psicología (93 mujeres y 47 hombres). En el primero se manipuló el enmarcamiento del mensaje y la orientación permanente del self; y en el segundo se manipuló el enmarcamiento del mensaje, además de inducir las orientaciones del self. Los resultados muestran estabilidad en los elementos centrales de la ley y diferencias en aspectos específicos. Se discute la pertinencia y relevancia de la teoría de las Representaciones Sociales para analizar este tipo de fenómenos.
The role of communication in a pandemic emergency is crucial because it contributes to the spread of collective interpretations of the crisis that drive community responses. Based on the social representations' theory approach, and specifically relying on the notions of collective symbolic coping and polemical social representations, the study presents 10 country-based case studies of public communication with the aim of exploring the social representations of COVID-19 during the first wave of the outbreak. Multiple communication sources from 10 countries in 5 geo-cultural contexts (Europe, North America, Latin America, Asia, Africa) were selected and analyzed: institutional websites; international/national/local newspapers and news channels; national/international press agencies; and social media platforms. Results highlighted the prevalence of multivocality and polemical social representations, along with outgroup blaming and stigmatization processes, the use of military and naturalistic metaphors, antinomies, and discourse polarization. Implications for effective public communication in crisis management are discussed.
