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"This book presents ecological insights drawn from a reading of Julian of Norwich, considering how effectively she can help us in our current plight. The argument is that to address the ecological crisis with the mindset that created it will only cause more problems, that to really undo the harm humanity has done and continues to do will take a transformation of selfhood and hence of perception, from the Gestell, technological self that is the child of the Enlightenment to the porous self that we truly are, underneath our buffered, separated, controlling and lonely exterior. The author suggests Julian of Norwich's text Revelations of Divine Love has the power to effect this transformation if we can learn to read it as disciples, not masters, just as she received and responded to her revelations as a performative, porous, receptive disciple. The chapters describe the technological mindset and its causal relationship with the ecological crisis, and articulate in detail how, if they are to transform us, we must read the Julian texts, taking first steps away from our technological selves as we do so. The book then takes significant passages from Julian and reads them in the performative, porous way that has been recommended. It will be of particular interest to scholars of theology and ecology, as well as medieval mysticism"--

This article offers a history of translation in the Spanish Habsburg monarchy that focuses on the tandem of translation and state administration. This tandem contributed to a Habsburg Arabic language politics that aimed to expand, defend, and celebrate the dominions of the Spanish Hapsburgs over Arabic-speaking peoples in Iberia and North Africa. Using archival and print documents other than translations–especially those meant to promote the genealogies and collective memories of certain «translator dynasties» at the height of the seventeenth-century Spanish craze for genealogy–the Hapsburg Arabic politics is shown to be much more pervasive than the (also pervasive) direct translation of Arabic documents. Arabic translators certainly contributed to Arabic politics in the Peninsula and in the Mediterranean, but they were not the only ones who ensured that the Monarchy's reputation could rely on ongoing dominion over Arabic-speaking peoples and control of a prestigious Arabic past. ; Este artículo ofrece una historia de la traducción en la España de los Austrias que analiza las relaciones entre traducción y administración estatal. Este tándem contribuyó a una política árabe que pretendía ampliar, defender y celebrar el dominio de los Austrias españoles sobre sujetos arabo-parlante en Iberia y en el norte de África. Este estudio descansa sobre un fondo documental producido por algunas familias de traductores que a lo largo de los siglos XVI y XVII participaron en la política árabe de los Austrias. Ahora bien, y como bien lo demuestran estas familias, esta política no se limitó a un grupo especializado de traductores de árabe. Un abanico amplio de agentes administrativos aseguró la reputación y el dominio del Rey Católico en materias lingüísticas y historiográficas tocantes a los sujetos arabo-parlantes y al pasado árabe de su monarquía.

El present article reuneix diversos escrits de l'«alfaqueque flamenco» i traduc-tor marroquí Jorge de Henin (floruit1597-1628), per il·lustrar com la categoria professional d'home d'estat va sorgir gràcies a les estratègies de construcció de la identitat i la imatge pública desenvolupades per diferents agents que buscaven créixer en el si de la Monarquia Hispànica. La seva professió no era la d'un estadista, sinó la d'un intermediari professional que s'assegurava fer de manera correcta diferents traduccions entre poders mediterranis separats per profundes rivalitats religioses, polítiques i econòmiques. Les seves elogioses credencials —redemptor de captius, conseller reial, expert en economia—, juntament amb la seva facilitat per als idiomes i la seva habilitat per fer de traductor entre parlants holandesos, àrabs i espanyols, van ser el nucli de la identitat de Henin com a home pràctic o d'experiència —un paper que final-ment ell va equiparar al d'home d'estat— capaç de garantir la reforma i l'èxit de la monarquia espanyola. ; This article brings together the varied writings of the «Flemish alfaqueque» and Moroccan translator, Jorge de Henin (floruit 1597-1628), to illustrate how the professional category of hombre de estado emerged from strategies of self-fashioning by diverse agents seeking positions in the Spanish monarchy. This profession was not that of a statesman, but rather a professional interme-diary who ensured the success of diverse translations across deep religious, political, and economic rivalries among Mediterranean powers. Along with his other self-vaunted credentials—redeemer of captives, royal advisor, eco-nomic expert—Henin's facility with languages and his ability to translate be-tween Dutch, Arabic, and Spanish speakers was at the core of his persona as an hombre práctico or deexperiencia—a role he eventually came to character-ize as hombre de estado—who could ensure the reform and success of the Spanish state. ; El presente artículo reúne varios escritos del «alfaquequeflamenco» y traduc-tor marroquí Jorge de Henin (floruit1597-1628), para ilustrar cómo la cate-goría profesional de hombre de Estado surgió gracias a las estrategias de construcción de la identidad y la imagen pública desarrolladas por diferentes agentes que buscaban medrar en el seno de la Monarquía Hispánica. Su profesión no era la de un estadista, sino la de un intermediario profesional que se aseguraba de realizar de modo correcto diferentes traducciones entre poderes mediterráneos a los que separaban profundas rivalidades religiosas, políticas y económicas. Sus elogiosas credenciales —redentor de cautivos, consejero real, experto en economía— junto con su facilidad para los idio-mas y su habilidad para hacer de traductor entre hablantes holandeses, ára-bes y españoles fueron el núcleo de la identidad de Henin como hombre práctico o de experiencia —un papel que finalmente él equiparó al de hom-bre de Estado— capaz de garantizar la reforma y el éxito de la monarquía española.

After 1492 and especially after 1571, many Arabic speakers in Spain were subject to imprisonment, forced removal, appropriation of property, and finally expulsion, explained by their persecutors in large part by their language use. Nonetheless, certain individuals, and in some cases, families, were able to use this linguistic skill and identity to protect themselves. As I analyze the hardening ideologies about Arabic and the ways these ideologies were perpetuated, I document the rising status and potential power of translators and interpreters, that is, professional Arabic speakers, readers, and writers. My analysis of how multilingual agents shaped information networks across the Mediterranean begins in the 1490s, following established practices and networks which would continue to be used for the next centuries. My dissertation begins with a study of these practices in a comparative frame between Granada and Oran, and the representations of multilingual figures and their activities in their own texts as well as texts about them or which they handled. Between the 1550s and 1570s the practices and representations of multilingual agents were affected by the tension over language use and religious identity arriving from Trent and written into the decisions of ecclesiastical and royal councils throughout Spain and especially in Granada. The arguments for and against the use of Arabic that sparked the Alpujarras revolt in 1568 would be repeated as the "morisco question," which was ultimately answered with expulsion (1609-1614). Meanwhile, Spain's Arabic speakers became ever more successful in the Mediterranean sphere. After the 1580s, an "Atlantic Mediterranean" became the staging ground for imperial, commercial, and religious rivalries between Spain, England, the United Provinces, France, the Ottomans, and the Moroccan Sa'adiens, and Spanish and Arabic were the primary languages used in this polyglot space. Despite the uninterrupted contact between Arabic and Spanish speakers in diplomatic and commercial circles, the idea of Arabic did not regain prestige or acceptance as a language of history, literature, or science in Spain until much later except through a highly ambivalent process.

Idealism: Exploring the Implications of our Thwarted IdealsExploring the Implications of our Thwarted Ideals; Morality: Exploring the Implications of Moral Authority; Purposefulness: Exploring the Implications of our Pervasive Sense of Purpose; The Staying Power of Benedict in Parliament Square by Rowan Williams; Benedictine Values in Public Life Three Essays by Vernon White, Andrew Tremlett and Claire Foster-Gilbert; Stability: Recovering the Lost Icon of Creative Fidelity by Vernon White; Community by Andrew Tremlett; The Conversion of Manners by Claire Foster-Gilbert

6 hyp's on trends in the pol of cities & towns are developed by means of reviewing previous res & theory: (1) 'good' gov's have proportionately increased, (2) power structures have become more pluralistic, (3) community conflict has increased because of increased divisions-or it has decreased because of the spread of the conciliatory Me ideal, (4) pol'al bosses & econ dominants have decreased as important community power leaders, (5) community instit's & org's have increased in importance, & (6) experts have become increasingly important in the local pol'al process. The hyp's are tested with data derived from a secondary analysis of publications on 166 cities in the US, by means of content analysis. The method of Raoul Naroll (DATA QUALITY CONTROL: A NEW RESEARCH TECHNIQUE, see SA B0096) is used to control for possible biases in these data. Tests of hyp's reveal: (a) Some cities that were formerly oriented to machine pol are adding 'good' gov to their functions. (b) Pol'al processes are becoming more pluralistic. (c) No trend is found between conflict & the timedimension. (d) There is an increase of econ dominants as upper-level power leaders as opposed to official heads of structures. (e) No diff is found over time of the importance in assoc's & instit's in shaping policy. (f) No trend appears for policy to be increasingly recommended by experts. It is concluded that power is less & less in the hands of a privileged few, but is increasingly dependent upon the broker (elected or other) who can bring together the various elements of the community. Modified AA.