Introduction: The Right Candidate at the Worst Time -- 1. Playing Catch Up from a Basement in Delaware: How the Biden Campaign Marketed 'Joe' -- 2. Replicating The 2016 "Lightning in a Bottle" Political Moment: Biden, Trump and Winning the U.S. Presidency -- 3. The 2020 Campaign: Candidates in a New World -- 4. Trump's Marketing Strategy and Communication in Government and the 2020 Election: Failing to Adjust to the White House and Governing -- 5. Democracy and Disinformation: An Analysis of Trump's 2020 Reelection Campaign -- 6. Donald Trump: The Brand, the Disjunctive Leader and Brand Ethics -- 7. Trump, Populism and the Pandemic -- Conclusion: The 2020 Election and Aftermath was One for the Ages. .
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This edited collection is one of the first books to focus on the distinctive political marketing and branding strategies utilized by the candidates and their parties in one of the most gripping elections in U.S. history. It considers why this election was so unusual from a political marketing perspective, calling for new explanations and discussions about its implications for mainstream political marketing theory and practice. At a time of political upheaval, candidates from both parties - Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders in particular - have appeared to overturn the conventional wisdom that has hitherto dominated U.S. politics: that candidates should appear 'presidential', be politically experienced and qualified to run for office, and avoid controversial and politically incorrect positions. This book presents scholarly perspectives and research with practitioner-relatable content on practices and discourses that look specifically at the Trump, Clinton and Sanders campaigns and how they took current understandings of political marketing and branding in new directions.
The rise of right-wing populism and nationalism has had a profound effect on politics in the advanced industrial world. Canada, flummoxed by its normally reliable neighbor to the south and an American electorate it no longer understands, may have to dramatically rethink its position with respect to the United States both as its major trading partner and closest ally. With a bad faith actor political party in the Republicans, America is increasingly taking on authoritarian tendencies that have already played out in countries such as Hungary and Poland. The recent voting rights suppression movement and a fraudulent campaign to overturn the 2020 election, culminating in the January 6, 2021 insurrection and attack on the Capitol, have created conditions in which anti-democratic measures can potentially overcome weakening democratic institutions. In this article, the upheaval of the Trump years and the dynamics of the 2020 election and its aftermath are put into a Canadian and comparative perspective.
Within international relations theorizing, political leaders are rarely cast as norm entrepreneurs or change agents. As heads of government, they have their own sources of legitimacy and authority, but also significant constraints. This article, based on new archival research, adds nuance to this model by exploring the leadership roles of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman on influencing global views on refugee protection. The role both presidents played at the international level was moderated by constraints at the domestic level within the congressional and executive branches. While both presidents demonstrated a strong commitment to refugees, only Truman was able to bring about change in U.S. policy by deploying the tools of norm entrepreneurship.
Chapter 1: Introduction: The 2021 Canadian Federal Election -- Chapter 2: Political Branding in a Crisis and the Shifting Strategies of the Trudeau 2021 Campaign. Chapter 3: Clowns To The Left Of Me, Jokers To The Right: Branding Challenges in the 2021 Conservative Party Campaign -- Chapter 4: The Hyper-Masculine Campaign: Party Leader Brand Image, Heteronormativity, and the 2021 Canadian Federal Election -- Chapter 5: Le Bloc Québécois: A Niche Party -- Chapter 6: The People's Party of Canada and the Appeal of Anger Politics -- Chapter 7: The Neglected Populists: Breaking Down the Performance of the Left-Leaning New Democratic Party in the 2021 Canadian Federal Election -- Chapter 8: Identity Marketing During the 2021 Canadian Federal Election -- Chapter 9: Conclusion: The Calm Before the Storm.
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1 Introduction: The 2019 Canadian Federal Election (Vincent Raynauld, André Turcotte and Jamie Gillies) -- 2 The New (Old) Trudeau in 2019: The Challenges and Potential for Branding Prime Ministers in Government (Jennifer Lees-Marshment) -- 3 Andrew Scheer and the post-Harper Conservative Party: Materialist, Post-Materialist and Negative Branding (Kenneth Cosgrove) -- 4 Gliding In On a Wing and a Prayer: Jagmeet Singh and the NDP (James McLean) -- 5 The Bloc is Back!: The Resurgence of the Bloc Québécois in 2019 (Guy Lachapelle) -- 6 The Populist Impact: The People's Party and the Green Party (Jamie Gillies) -- 7 Go Knock Doors: 'New' Dimensions in Market Intelligence (David Coletto) -- 8 Voters as Consumers of Durable Goods (André Turcotte and Michal Moore) -- 9 Divide Et Impera: Wedge Politics in the 2019 Canadian Federal Election (André Turcotte and Vincent Raynauld) -- 10 Conclusion: Déjà Vu All Over Again? (André Turcotte, Jamie Gillies and Vincent Raynauld).
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Canada has been relatively immune to grassroots-driven populist political forces in recent years despite global shifts toward a mainstreaming of nationalist identity-driven politics. The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic coupled with other shifts in the Canadian and international political landscapes, have changed this dynamic. This article takes interest in the 2022 Freedom Convoy—also known as Convoi de la liberté in French—through the lens of Canadian political as well as science and health-based communication. The protesters' actions, and the subsequent political response, suggest an increased political entanglement with both protest movements and identity-driven political communications and messaging.
AbstractNew Brunswick's 2020 election was Canada's first election during the COVID-19 pandemic. It produced a slim majority government for the Progressive Conservatives under Premier Blaine Higgs after all-party talks to create a quasi-coalition arrangement failed. The major parties continued to decline in voter support, and two newer parties, the Green Party and the People's Alliance, still have a presence in the Legislative Assembly. The Liberal Party failed to win seats in Anglophone New Brunswick, reducing their support to just the francophone areas of the province. Higgs is left to govern a province polarized along linguistic lines with French-speaking New Brunswickers distrustful and unsupportive of the premier.RésuméL'élection provinciale au Nouveau-Brunswick en 2020 a été la première élection provinciale au Canada pendant la pandémie du COVID-19. Elle a mené à l'élection d'un gouvernement avec une faible majorité pour le Parti progressiste-conservateur sous le premier ministre Blaine Higgs après l'échec des pourparlers entre tous les partis pour la création d'un arrangement de quasi-coalition. Les partis traditionnels continuent de voir leur soutien s'effriter au sein de l'électorat, et deux nouveaux partis, le Parti vert et l'Alliance des gens, ont toujours des représentantes à l'Assemblée législative. Le Parti libéral n'a pas réussi à remporter des sièges dans les régions anglophones de la province, réduisant son soutien aux seules régions francophones de la province. Les considérations linguistiques jouent un rôle de premier plan dans la polarisation politique dans la province. Higgs doit ainsi gouverner en tenant compte des citoyennes francophones qui sont méfiantes et peu favorables au premier ministre.Key words: New Brunswick, Election, Election campaigns, polls, Majority government, BilingualismMots-clés : Nouveau-Brunswick, Élections, Campagnes électorales, Sondages, Gouvernement majorité, Bilinguisme
New Brunswick's 2018 election produced a minority legislature, the first in a century. The major parties continue to decline in voter support, and two new parties now have a presence in the Assembly. The election brings New Brunswick's electoral politics increasingly into the modern Canadian mainstream; one new caucus is the Greens. In other respects, the election made the old new again. The populist People's Alliance gained three seats partly on the basis of criticism of bilingualism policy. The Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives, in an informal alliance to govern, are all but confined to the anglophone parts of the province, while the defeated Liberals have all their strength in the Acadian north-east. The campaign mattered, as did constitutional conventions. The Liberals squandered a large lead in the polls, and the parties struggled to sort out the conventions of government formation.