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Population mobility and political change in the American electorate -- California: diversity at a distance -- Colorado: national crossroads -- Kansas: high growth islands in the sea of decline -- Kentucky: biracial balkanization -- Florida: segregated heterogeneity -- Pennsylvania: deindustrialization and division -- New York: the clustered masses -- Population mobility and ethnic division in the American electorate

Traditional theories of party organization have emphasized two-party electoral competition as the force behind party unity in state politics. V. O. Key first advanced this theory in Southern Politics, where he concluded that party factionalism in the South was mainly attributable to the one-party character of the region. But this traditional theory does not fit all states equally well. In the states of the West, especially, parties are competitive, but political activity is centered on candidates, not parties. The theory of candidate-centered politics allows Gimpel to explain why party factionalism has persisted in many regions of the United States in spite of fierce two-party competition. Using interviews, polling data, elections returns, and demographic information, Gimpel contends that major upheavals in the two-party balance of presidential voting may leave lower offices untouched.

The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) came into being in response to the housing and debt crisis that accompanied the Great Recession. Created as a means for aggrieved consumers to bring problems to the attention of federal regulators empowered to fine banking and finance companies, the inflow of complaints began late in 2010 and has steadily risen in the years since. This research examines the variable emergence of complaints across 5 years, asking what types of constituencies are most likely to register grievances with the CFPB. The filing of complaints is mostly responsive to the presence of middle and upper income populations with mortgages, though contacts are also high from African American neighborhoods. Government contacting among lower income populations is facilitated by the presence of counseling and consultative services at the grassroots. Notably, legal aid services often present in lower and moderate income neighborhoods are associated with higher complaint frequency for several financial products. Through street-level consultative organizations, the gap in government service provision separating the affluent, who complain on their own, and less privileged, who do not know where to express their grievances, can be reduced.

President Trump won an Electoral College majority in 2016 bolstered by voters who supported him, but not the previous nominee, Mitt Romney. Evidence suggests that a campaign promising a more restrictive immigration policy was the key to this improved performance among cross-pressured voters. In the months since inauguration day 2017, however, voters did not remain unaware of the administration's programmatic steps on immigration and the opposition they encountered. I interpret evidence from a panel survey to suggest that voters gained knowledge about immigration policy after 2016, and began to align their policy views with the positions of their favored political parties. Inasmuch as voters' policy positions become identical with their party preference, the potential for immigration policy to again act as a wedge issue in 2020 is greatly reduced. President Trump's 2020 campaign may be able to mobilize more base voters given this increase in policy-party congruence but he may not be as successful as in 2016 in attracting crossover voters.

Includes bibliographical references (p. 361-383) and indexes. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Examines the influence of gun ownership on political behavior in state elections where the National Rifle Assoc (NRA) has officially endorsed a candidate & in states where there were no endorsements awarded. In theory, NRA endorsements should affect gun owners' political choices, because an endorsement provides information that helps gun owners make the connection between personal interests & views of political officeholders & candidates. Using Voter Research & Surveys 1994 Election Day Exit Polls, the vote for governor is modeled via standard logistic regression, comparing states where the NRA endorsed a candidate with those without endorsement. Results indicate that NRA endorsements make little difference. Gun owners are a distinct-issue public, especially in close races & states with restrictive gun control laws on the books; but these differences appear to have little to do with NRA involvement. Gun ownership is sufficiently politicized that the additional cue of an interest group endorsement provides no new information. Gun rights forces can influence few elections by relying on endorsements alone. 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 18 References. Adapted from the source document.