Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1 The multiplicity of the Catholic past --chapter 2 Transubstantiating the body politic: a theory of reconstructive coalitions --chapter 3 Catholic incorporation from 1890 to the mid- twentieth century --chapter 4 Working with Catholicism in Australia --chapter 5 Catholicism at arm's length in the United States --chapter 6 Provincializing Catholicism in Canada --chapter 7 Catholic standing in the latter half of the twentieth century --chapter 8 Realigning Catholicism and Protestantism at the turn of the twentieth century in the United States --chapter 9 The limits of pan- Christian coalitions in Australia and /Canada --chapter 10 The Catholic past as prologue? The future of ethnic, racial, and religious minority incorporation.

AbstractIt has often been stated that in the United States the left tends to be less united than the right on issues related to identity politics such as race, gender, and religion. This article presents evidence that this asymmetry in partisan alignment over identity politics is changing over time. Looking at various measures of public opinion shows that the left's agreement on issues related to identity politics has either caught up with the right or that the gap is diminishing. The article considers various possible explanations for unity on these issues – including personality distribution, party homogeneity, and message infrastructure – and shows that partisan spillover in the context of polarization helps explains the closing of the gap in unity between the right and the left. In an era of polarization, Democratic affiliation induces warmer feeling toward stigmatized coalition partners. Groups that may have joined the Democratic party on a single group interest claim (race, gender, religion, class) will gradually move toward greater acceptance of other group interest claims supported by the party. These findings have implications for the oft-stated strategic claim that the left needs to focus on class redistribution over identity politics if the left does not want to be fractured.

AbstractSociologist Peter Berger once said that if India is the most religious country and Sweden the least, then the United States is a nation of Indians ruled by Swedes. In terms of use of religious rhetoric by politicians, however, the United States actually comes closer to being a nation of Indians ruled by Indians, while Australia a nation of Swedes ruled by "Swindians," and Canada a nation of "Swindians" ruled by Swedes. This article provides evidence for these claims and assesses theories as to what causes greater use of religious rhetoric by politicians. Size of the religious population and the rights revolution are not decisive in determining whether politicians heavily use religious rhetoric. The article argues that the politicization of religion is related to coalition-building incentives with Catholics.