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AbstractMetro mayors are the latest addition to the complex jigsaw of subnational governance in England, and were introduced from 2014 to lead, allegedly, a 'devolution revolution'. This article focusses on the 2021 election to reflect on the roots and first mandate of these new mayors, to understand how they fared at the ballot box, and to assess whether and in what ways they are making an impact. The analysis shows that metro mayors are maturing as institutions, and they are becoming more rooted in the public imagination. Harnessing 'the power of place' was a key driver of success: some metro mayors have shown a potential to 'reboot localism' and, with it, devolution. However, resistance from central government to let go of power persists and could hinder both the metro mayors' and the devolution agendas going forward.

AbstractTraditionally, the debate over English devolution has been framed by mainstream parties, favouring a top‐down approach. However, this scenario has recently started to change, particularly in the areas with stronger regional identities such as the North of England. In 2014, the first regionalist party (Yorkshire First) was created, followed by the North East Party and the Northern Party. Such actors overtly challenge the narratives of regionalisation that have prevailed so far, and endorse bottom‐up regionalism. This article offers the first analysis of these 'new regional voices' in the North, and seeks to assess emerging tensions between regionalisation and regionalism in the devolution debate. To achieve this, it concentrates on the case of Yorkshire First, drawing on documentary analysis and the results of a membership survey. It will be argued that, although still limited in its impact, the rise of Yorkshire First signals the presence of a political vacuum in the region which has been left open by mainstream politics, and that regional identity and territorial cleavages do matter in the current debate on devolution in the North of England.

"This book explores the politics of local economic development in Northern England. Socio-economic conditions in the North - and its future prospects - have become central to national debates in the UK. The status of Northern regions and their local economies is intimately associated with efforts to 'rebalance' the economy away from the South East, London and the finance sector in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The contributors to this volume focus in particular on the coalition and Conservative governments' 'Northern Powerhouse' agenda. They also analyse associated efforts to devolve power to local authorities across England, which promise to bring both greater prosperity and autonomy to the deindustrialized North. Several chapters critically interrogate these initiatives, and their ambitions, by placing them within their wider historical, geographical, institutional and ideological contexts. As such, Berry and Giovannini seek to locate Northern England within a broader understanding of the political dimension of economic development, and outline a series of ideas for enhancing the North's prospects."--

Ed Cox and Arianna Giovannini survey the new political parties that have emerged in the north of England advocating greater decentralisation to English regions. While electoral success may be some way off, this is a propitious time in UK politics for building democratic momentum behind a bold and positive vision of devolution.

Within the context of the devolution process in England, Cornwall and the North-East stand out in contrasting comparison. The North-East was given the opportunity to vote for a regional assembly, which it rejected in 2004, while the strong popular movement for an assembly in Cornwall was ignored by central government. This is reflected in the literature on the English question and regionalism in the UK, which focuses on the example of the North-East, and largely overlooks the grassroots support in Cornwall and the opportunities for understanding regionalism that this could provide. In this article, we explore why this might be the case, developing a comparison between the two areas in the context of the campaigns for setting up directly elected assemblies. We look at the territorial status of the two areas, how the respective campaigns were organised, the types of group involved, the motives that were driving activists, and each region's political significance to Labour. We find central control of the political agenda to be a key issue behind the failure of English regionalism. Adapted from the source document.

Within the context of the devolution process in England, Cornwall and the North-East stand out in contrasting comparison. The North-East was given the opportunity to vote for a regional assembly, which it rejected in 2004, while the strong popular movement for an assembly in Cornwall was ignored by central government. This is reflected in the literature on the English question and regionalism in the UK, which focuses on the example of the North-East, and largely overlooks the grassroots support in Cornwall and the opportunities for understanding regionalism that this could provide. In this article, we explore why this might be the case, developing a comparison between the two areas in the context of the campaigns for setting up directly elected assemblies. We look at the territorial status of the two areas, how the respective campaigns were organised, the types of group involved, the motives that were driving activists, and each region's political significance to Labour. We find central control of the political agenda to be a key issue behind the failure of English regionalism.

1. Introduction -- 2. Linking regional responses to citizens' perceptions: a framework -- 3. The Covid-19 crisis: global challenges and regional answers? -- 4. Communicating the crisis: between regional and national logics -- 5. Citizens' perceptions: the impact of Covid-19 on public opinion -- 6. Conclusions.