This volume discusses the emergence of space exploration as a new pivot of the global space economy in the decade of 2020s. Space exploration and human spaceflight will soon become vital strategic initiatives in the imminent second space age, evolving from scientific pursuits to mega-economic projects. As the scope of international cooperation in space forays into soft science diplomacy, the second space age opens opportunities for India to mount its space program as an ambitious yet conscientious, proficient, and cordial player in the global space economy. This book, -- Explores imminent trends in space exploration and interplanetary connectivity plans, their returns to the global economy of the future, and impact on the global astropolitical order; -- Analyses the techno-economic significance of India's space exploration by reviewing the legal, ethical and philosophical challenges; the limits of global space exploration policies; and the economic lacunae for the astropolitical gains; -- Examines the transformational trio of Chandrayaan, Mangalyaan and Gaganyaan; dawn of the second space age; interplanetary connectivity projects; besides discussing the viability of humans becoming an interplanetary species. Part of The Gateway House Guide to India in the 2020s series, this topical volume will be useful for scholars and researchers of international relations, geopolitics, foreign policy, space policy, South Asian studies, strategic studies, and international trade.
Extant research links forced marriage and sexual violence in rebel groups with their respective political projects, social control, and group cohesion. However, forced marriage and sexual violence are rare in many rebel groups, including the Maoists in Nepal who claimed to have a "progressive," "scientific," and "modern" framework for governing marriage and sexuality. In the light of this puzzle, I ask, what does a noncoercive/nonviolent rebel governance of marriage and sexuality mean for a rebel group's political project of social control and power? What is the gendered impact of such governance? Importantly, how does it impact female combatants at the intersection of multiple oppressions? Using abductive analysis of extensive interviews with female ex-combatants and their leaders, I build a theoretical explanation about the noncoercive/nonviolent governance of marriage and sexuality that is not just linked to the formation, consolidation, and legitimation of political agendas, but also enabled social control and political power for the Maoists. However, this further marginalized those female combatants who were already disadvantaged. I employ a feminist intersectional framework while critically reflecting on my own positionality. The implications of these findings extend beyond Nepal, illuminating dynamics of rebel governance and the complexity of war and postwar social organization.
Bhima Koregaon is that rare sequence in Indian politics today that can challenge reveal the true powers of being able to retroactively "change the past" in order to liberate the future, much in the manner of Marx's historical materialism. The case, Saroj Giri writes, forces us to revisit the question of historical oppression based on caste from within the present, and beckons us to reject the capitalist accelerationist-futurist "progressive politics" of much of the left, taking us closer to the class struggle of Marx.
This article systematically explores key theoretical and political, and epistemological and methodological considerations regarding men undertaking feminist fieldwork and research. This has become increasingly relevant as men working on exploring the gendered analysis of armed conflict and peacebuilding has become relatively routine recently. Yet, there is a dearth of systematic research on this topic. To fill this gap, this article asks two central questions: Can men do feminist fieldwork and research in conflict/post-conflict settings? What are the requirements for this? Drawing from my experience as a heterosexual cis male doing fieldwork on female combatants in a post-conflict setting in Nepal (2017–2018) and building on the long-standing robust scholarly conversation on desirability and possibility of men in feminist research and activism, the article argues that critical self-reflexivity with honesty on limitation and partiality of research, situated knowledge, and positionality and power including ethics of care, moral responsibility, and reciprocity are key considerations for men to engage in feminist fieldwork and research. While gender is a primary concern for men researching on women, there is "multiplex subjectivity" (race, class, caste, ethnicity, nationality, and education) interacting with gender creating complex relational power dynamics before/during/after the fieldwork to influence the research process and outcome.
India is a democratic country and unlike some other countries where the citizens are not allowed to express their views and expression. In India the citizens are guaranteed of freedom of speech and expression under Article 19 (1)(a) of the Indian constitution under which people are free to express their views but this right is not absolute there are some restrictions mentioned in the constitution.
In India, today, we are witness to the quiet rise of the figure of Mahar Sidnak, iconized and lionized as a warrior of the oppressed from the early nineteenth century. This is electrifying the anticaste struggle and energizing the militant youth, a source of inspiration as historical as it is mythical. Are material issues, or "real struggle," really so opposed to the question of the "mythical past"?
Abstract Do women combatants experience war and post-war "peace" in the same way? Existing studies on gender and war treat women combatants as a homogeneous group with similar identities, interests, and statuses experiencing the war uniformly. I argue that women combatants' experiences of war and post-war "peace" cannot be detached from their multiple statuses, positions, and identities. I follow the stories of five women ex-combatants in the Maoist insurgency in Nepal at different spatial and temporal spaces out of thirty-nine semi-structured interviews that I conducted in Nepal (2017–2018). The women ex-combatants come from the same rank but from different caste, class, ethnicity, marital status, social status, education status, and geographical location. I use a feminist intersectional framework inspired by "matrix of domination" while using intersectionality also as a method. My research shows that women ex-combatants' experiences of the insurgency and post-insurgency lives have been molded by their intersectional positions and identities in complex ways. This work not only contributes to the holistic understanding of the war in its complexity but also has implications for designing the policy interventions aimed at the prevention of armed conflict and building sustainable post-war "peace." ¿Las mujeres combatientes experimentan la guerra y la "paz" de la posguerra de igual manera? En estudios existentes sobre género y guerra, se considera a las mujeres combatientes como un grupo homogéneo, con identidades, intereses y estatus semejantes, que experimentan la guerra de manera similar. En esta investigación, sostengo que las experiencias de las combatientes sobre la guerra y la "paz" de la posguerra no pueden desvincularse de sus diferentes identidades, posiciones y estatus. Realicé un recorrido por las historias de cinco excombatientes de la insurgencia maoísta en Nepal, en diferentes situaciones espaciotemporales, mediante treinta y nueve entrevistas semiestructuradas que llevé a cabo en Nepal (2017–2018). Las excombatientes tenían el mismo rango, pero diferían en ciertos aspectos como su casta, clase social, etnia, estado civil, estado social, nivel de educación y ubicación geográfica. Utilicé un marco interseccional feminista inspirado en la "matriz de dominación" en combinación con la interseccionalidad como método de análisis. En mi investigación, demuestro que las identidades y posiciones interseccionales de las excombatientes moldearon, de manera compleja, sus experiencias de vida en la insurgencia y posinsurgencia. Este trabajo no solo contribuye a lograr una comprensión integral de la guerra, en toda su complejidad, sino que además tiene implicancias para diseñar intervenciones sobre políticas que eviten conflictos armados y construyan una "paz" de posguerra sostenible. Les femmes combattantes vivent-elles la guerre et la « paix » d'après-guerre de la même manière ? Les études existantes sur le genre et la guerre traitent les femmes combattantes comme un groupe homogène dont les membres ont des identités, des intérêts et des statuts similaires et vivent la guerre d'une manière uniforme. Je soutiens que les façons dont les femmes combattantes vivent la guerre et la « paix » d'après-guerre ne peuvent pas être détachées de leurs multiples statuts, positions et identités. J'ai suivi les histoires de cinq femmes ex-combattantes de l'insurrection maoïste au Népal à différents moments et en différents lieux par le biais de trente-neuf entretiens semi-structurés que j'ai menés au Népal (2017–2018). Ces ex-combattantes avaient le même grade mais leur caste, leur classe, leur ethnicité, leur situation maritale, leur statut social, leur niveau d'étude et leur origine géographique n'étaient pas identiques. J'ai employé un cadre féministe intersectionnel inspiré de la « matrice de domination » ainsi qu'une méthode d'intersectionnalité. Ma recherche montre que les façons dont les ex-combattantes ont vécu l'insurrection et l'après-insurrection ont été modelées de manières complexes par leurs identités et positions intersectionnelles. Ce travail contribue non seulement à la compréhension holistique de la guerre dans sa complexité, mais a également des implications pour la conception des interventions politiques visant à prévenir les conflits armés et à établir une « paix » durable après la guerre.
