Suchergebnisse

Over a decade after national independence, it is apparent that the contrasting development strategies adopted by the five new governments of Central Asia have led to significantly different outcomes. This well-written and timely book analyses how the development strategies of these countries have affected their transition from communist governance

Explores reasons behind Uzbekistan's decision to expel US forces & this reversal's implications for Uzbek foreign policy & regional stability. The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks precipitated a US-Uzbek alliance, ie, the Strategic Partnership, that saw Uzbekistan volunteer the mothballed Khanabad airbase as a base of US operations against the Taliban. It is argued that the abrupt end of the alliance in July 2005 was the culmination of a series of incremental steps that gradually distanced Uzbekistan from US influence; this pattern of events is described as rife with "fig-leaf justifications & illogical consequences." It is asserted that as the US lost a highly valuable channel of information & leverage for its regional security interests, it also relinquished its position to Russia, which has been expanding its trade, energy, & investment ties with Central Asian countries. In addition, the US lost a major asset in that most of the countries in that region have moderate Muslim populations that could have served as a cultural model for development. Russia's influence in the region is discussed before examining the different economic development trajectories of the Central Asian countries. Some attention is then given to the pursuit of interstate policy harmonization in the region took the form of the Eurasian Economic Community, or Eurasec, Russia's response to this idea of Eurasianism, & the development of Central Asian Cooperation Organization, which would include Russia & merge with Eurasec. Uzbekistan's joining of CACO impacted the strategic partnership with the US & signaled a policy reversal indicating the Central Asian country's decision to realign with Russia. This reversal is taken as a tactical maneuver that may be part of the complex great power politics playing out in the region. Problems with the US side of its alliance with Uzbekistan are delineated, highlighting the US failure to understand Uzbekistan & failure to recognize the extent of its misunderstanding. It is concluded that Russia's gain in the region does not necessarily translate to a loss for others, but reasons why Central Asia & the Caucasus have not attracted foreign investment are noted. D. Edelman

The reestablishment of a unified power supply system between Russia & Kazakhstan after years of disputes over Kazakhstan's energy debt is examined to support the argument that regional electricity integration would solve significant problems of supply/reliability in Central Asia. However, integration is unlikely because many central Asian leaders are reluctant to give up power. An exploration of the politics of energy deregulation considers the many actors & interests involved in Russia's energy deregulation; the close government-private sector relationship that exists in countries with authoritarian one-party systems; & the positive impact of energy production & exportation on Russia's post-1998 economic recovery. Other issues discussed include the troublesome nature of water sharing; hydroelectric politics in Kyrgyzstan & Tajikistan; & Kazakhstan as a regional model of market reform. In spite of the benefits, it is concluded that few Central Asians are apt to pursue power-sector integration because of the wide range of actors/institutions involved; the weak rule of law; absence of judicial independence; & domination of decision making by family/regional relationships. Future prospects are discussed. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

Examines insurgency movements, counterinsurgency measures, and development of democracy and rule of law in five countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Some focus on regional cooperation.