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This article considers a range of early twentieth-century projects in which rural space was made subject to an ensemble of institutional forms and practices grounded in emergent urban paradigms. The projects in rural reconstruction I consider here seized on village space and the minds and souls of villagers as their terrain of operation. Rural reconstruction entailed the production of intimate knowledge of the rural population, the development of affective modes of engagement with them, and investments of governmental power not only in state institutions but in more abstract concepts like the 'rural community'. Many projects were largely propagandistic; their concrete effects were minimal. But rural reconstruction brought urban logics, objects, and institutional forms directly into village milieus in ways that continue to shape how India's urban and rural areas are conceptualised and operate in relation to one another. If urbanism in India today is deeply enmeshed in agrarian processes, then this article attempts to reverse the gaze by asking how expert knowledge directed towards managing rural change in twentieth-century India depended crucially on emergent urban paradigms.

I strongly recommend that the Philippines Government adopt a harm reduction approach to reduce smoking. All people who smoke should be encouraged to quit or switch to any, or a combination of, the greatly risk-reduced nicotine and tobacco products that exist. Access to risk-reduced alternatives to smoking needs to be cheaper than tobacco for smoking, and as convenient as buying a pack of cigarettes is now. Thus, the new risk-reduced alternatives should not be taxed initially, or a tax relative to risk could be considered. It is important that the acceptability of the products is not undermined by unnecessary restrictions on the nicotine levels or the flavours. If the nicotine level is set too low, the products will become useless for people with high need for nicotine, such as is the case for many people with mental health disorders. With regards to nicotine vaping liquids, if the flavours are banned, one of the key ingredients that helps people transition away from smoking will be gone. ; The Centre of Research Excellence: Indigenous Sovereignty & Smoking was set up with the help of a grant from the Foundation for a Smoke Free World. The contents, selection and presentation of facts, as well as any opinions expressed in its presentations and publications are the sole responsibility of the Centre and its authors, and under no circumstances shall be regarded as reflecting the position of the Foundation for a Smoke-Free World, Inc.

Can Israelis and Palestinians end their long conflict? The shocking violence of current events undermines hope, as does the long history of peace deals sabotaged by extremists on both sides. In this compelling and timely book, the eminent moral philosopher Jonathan Glover argues that one vital step towards progress is to better understand the disturbing psychology of the cycle of violence. Glover explores the psychological flaws that entrap both sides: the urge to respond to wounds or humiliation with backlash; political or religious beliefs held with a rigidity that excludes compromise; and people's identity being shaped by the conflict in ways that make it harder to imagine or even desire alternatives. Drawing on the history of comparable conflicts that eased over time, Glover proposes some ways to gradually weaken the grip of this psychology. Completed as casualties mounted in the latest political and humanitarian crisis, Israelis and Palestinians is essential reading for anyone concerned by the ongoing violence in the Middle East.

Introduction and methodology -- Key concepts and definitions -- Secretive non-statutory regulation : interception of communications 1324-1919 -- Secretive partial statutory governance : interception of communications 1920-1984 -- Disingenuous statutory regulation : interception of communications : 1984-1999 -- Disingenuous statutory regulation : interception of communications 2000-2016 -- Disingenuous statutory regulation : communications data retention 2001-2016 -- Disingenuous statutory regulation : obtaining retained communications data 2000-2016 -- The 2013 intelligence shock : towards a modern and transparent legal framework 2013-2016 -- Avowal, transparency and a modern and transparent framework : rationalising the Investigatory Powers Act 2016 -- Postscript.

"The Royal Navy of Nelson's time was such a huge organisation, that it is sometimes hard to comprehend its full scope. Indeed, during the Napoleonic Wars it was by far the largest employer in the entire world. Not only did the Royal Navy maintain a fleet of close on 1,000 ships, including over 100 line of battle ships, but it was also responsible for the entire organisation of maintaining them at sea. From the recruitment of crews, the maintenance and protection of bases throughout the world, the production and delivery of food supplies to feed this vast fleet and the procurement of naval supplies to keep the ships at sea, it was all the responsibility of this vast organisation. The Royal Navy was often Britain's last line of defence and many of its most successful officers became superstars, although none eclipsed Admiral Lord Nelson, who became the personification of the Navy. The whole country revelled in their successes and 'Jolly Jack Tar' became a source of national pride and a huge number of naval terms were taken into normal life and many are often still used to this very day. Nelson's Navy in 100 Objects investigates all aspects of this incredible organisation and the lives of the men who served within it, including Nelson himself, using historical artefacts and naval terms that are now part of everyday language to illustrate them"--Publisher's description

This engaging book harnesses the uncertainty and excitement of the Constitutional debates to show readers the clear departure the Constitution marked, the powerful reasons people had to view it warily, and the persuasive claims that Madison and his allies finally made with success.

In modern Australia, productivity is all that matters, our leaders tell us. Economic growth above all else. But is this really what we, the people, want? Does it make our lives and our communities better?If the high priests of economics want the credit for Australia's economic growth over the last three decades, they must also wear the blame for the social destruction that has accompanied it - the devastation of once prosperous industrial centres and the suburbs they sustained, as factories closed and workers were forced to abandon their trades. The social costs of this 'economic modernisation