Suchergebnisse

In this dissertation, I use the 2012 Cape Area Study - a survey of 2,518 Grade 11 students at 45 schools in the Cape Town metropolitan area - to explore school determinants of political engagement and participation among South Africa's first post-apartheid generation, the 'born frees'. I ask whether schools have had an impact on 'born free' students' civic engagement and the likelihood that they will participate in legal and illegal political activity, as well as voting in elections. Despite the legacies of the racially defined apartheid system, the current African National Congress (ANC) government's failure to deliver on their promise of equal, quality and democratic education for all, and the enduring crisis in basic education, I find that the school can have a positive influence on political engagement and attitudes toward political participation. In this regard, the school characteristics that have the greatest influence are: the frequency with which politics is discussed across classes, the level of participation in school governance and other organisations, and extent to which the school environment is fair and caring. In addition, the school contributes to the development of internal efficacy and a procedural (rather than instrumental) understanding of democracy, both of which positively impact political engagement and attitudes toward political participation. Socio-economic status and race have a relatively small impact, which is reassuring given South Africa's history and the persistently high level of socio-economic inequality. Intriguingly, where socioeconomic status and race are significant, it is the wealthier and previously advantaged groups who are less likely to be politically engaged and to have participative attitudes toward political activities, with the exception of voting.

Two successive waves of reform have fundamentally altered the structure and organization of Kenya's vibrant power sector, which boasts a tradition of strong technical and commercial performance. In the first wave -- beginning in 1996 and largely donor-driven -- policy and regulatory functions were separated from commercial activities; generation was unbundled from transmission and distribution; cost-reflective tariffs were introduced; and generation was liberalized. In the second wave -- beginning in 2002 and led by domestic reform champions -- the thrust of first-wave reforms was continued, with the strengthening of independent regulation, partial privatization of the generation company (KenGen), and establishment of complementary entities. Although the government retains majority ownership of the largest power utilities in the country (Kenya Power, ~51 percent; KenGen, ~70 percent), Kenya has been able to position itself as one of the foremost destinations in the region for private energy investment. The reforms have improved the operational efficiency of the sector, increased cost recovery, and captured a significant amount of private sector investment. At the same time, the state has remained an important investor, playing a pivotal role in expanding generation capacity, scaling up electrification at an exceptionally rapid pace, and leading diversification toward geothermal energy. Political influence in sector decisions remains significant, in planning and tariff reviews.

Uganda's power sector structure is among the most sophisticated in Sub-Saharan Africa, and Uganda is one of only a handful of countries in the region where tariffs are close to being cost reflective. While reforms were swift and comprehensive, following the 1999 Electricity Act, significant difficulties were encountered along the way that prevented the benefits of reform from materializing until much later. The failed first attempt with the Bujagali Hydropower independent power producer left the country heavily exposed to the 2005/06 and 2010/12 droughts, which in turn created difficulties for the new private distribution utility, Umeme, and led to a relaxation of the regulatory performance targets for the concession. This situation led to a buildup of frustration with the new operator and the launch of two public enquiries, which recommended termination of the concession. In 2012, with the easing of drought conditions and the completion of the Bujagali Hydropower Project following a second independent power producer arrangement, there was improvement in the availability of power. This made it possible to set more demanding performance targets for the concessionaire, Umeme, which fed through into substantial improvements in operational efficiency and accelerating service coverage. Although the reform model was eventually able to deliver results, the associated cost was comparatively high. Furthermore, the extension of the private concession model to financially unviable rural areas did not prove to be successful. Access rates began to pick up only following the adoption of a revised approach in 2012, built around government-led and donor-funded expansion of rural networks.

This paper provides an overview of market-oriented power sector reforms in Sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and Latin America over the past twenty-five years. The role of political economy contextualities in driving, constraining or otherwise influencing power sector reform is explored through a review of the essential literature. Though this literature is considered to have considerably expanded the scope of understanding around power sector reform and development, political economy research in the area is found to be lacking in methodological coherence and theoretical substance. Future efforts are needed to systematically bring together the array of insights, methodological approaches and recommendations in this literature, as well as better bound, differentiate and systemise political economy research in the area going forward. Two initial frameworks are advanced through this paper in relation to this dual research imperative.