The Cartographic State. By Jordan Branch. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Volume 78, Issue 4, p. E27-E29
ISSN: 1468-2508
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In: The journal of politics: JOP, Volume 78, Issue 4, p. E27-E29
ISSN: 1468-2508
In: The journal of politics: JOP, Volume 78, Issue 4, p. E27-E29
ISSN: 0022-3816
In: Territoriality and Conflict in an Era of Globalization, p. 25-61
In: Security studies, Volume 25, Issue 1, p. 25-33
ISSN: 1556-1852
In: Security studies, Volume 25, Issue 1, p. 25
ISSN: 0963-6412
In: British journal of political science, Volume 44, Issue 4, p. 799-825
ISSN: 1469-2112
This study uses new data on coups d'etat and elections to document a striking development: whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1991 installed durable rules, the majority of coups after that have been followed by competitive elections. The article argues that after the Cold War, international pressure influenced the consequences of coups. In the post-Cold War era, countries that were most dependent on Western aid were the first to embrace competitive elections after their coups. This theory also helps explain the pronounced decline in the number of coups since 1991. While the coup d'etat has been (and still is) the single most important factor leading to the downfall of democratic governments, these findings indicate that the new generation of coups has been far less harmful for democracy than their historical predecessors. Adapted from the source document.
In: British journal of political science, Volume 44, Issue 4, p. 799-825
ISSN: 1469-2112
This study uses new data oncoups d'étatand elections to document a striking development: whereas the vast majority of successful coups before 1991 installed durable rules, the majority of coups after that have been followed by competitive elections. The article argues that after the Cold War, international pressure influenced the consequences of coups. In the post-Cold War era, countries that were most dependent on Western aid were the first to embrace competitive elections after their coups. This theory also helps explain the pronounced decline in the number of coups since 1991. While thecoup d'étathas been (and still is) the single most important factor leading to the downfall of democratic governments, these findings indicate that the new generation of coups has been far less harmful for democracy than their historical predecessors.
In: British journal of political science, Volume 44, Issue 4, p. 799-825
ISSN: 0007-1234
Chiozza and Goemans seek to explain why and when political leaders decide to initiate international crises and wars. They argue that the fate of leaders and the way leadership changes, shapes leaders' decisions to initiate international conflict. Leaders who anticipate regular removal from office, through elections for example, have little to gain and much to lose from international conflict, whereas leaders who anticipate a forcible removal from office, such as through coup or revolution, have little to lose and much to gain from conflict. This theory is tested against an extensive analysis of more than 80 years of international conflict and with an intensive historical examination of Central American leaders from 1848 to 1918. Leaders and International Conflict highlights the political nature of the choice between war and peace and will appeal to all scholars of international relations and comparative politics
In: International organization, Volume 75, Issue 2, p. 387-410
ISSN: 1531-5088
AbstractThe Liberal International Order is in crisis. While the symptoms are clear to many, the deep roots of this crisis remain obscured. We propose that the Liberal International Order is in tension with the older Sovereign Territorial Order, which is founded on territoriality and borders to create group identities, the territorial state, and the modern international system. The Liberal International Order, in contrast, privileges universality at the expense of groups and group rights. A recognition of this fundamental tension makes it possible to see that some crises that were thought to be unconnected have a common cause: the neglect of the coordinating power of borders. We sketch out new research agendas to show how this tension manifests itself in a broad range of phenomena of interest.
In: International organization, Volume 71, Issue 1, p. 31-64
ISSN: 1531-5088
AbstractWhy do states make claims to some border areas and not others? We articulate three models of territorial claims and test them using a novel geospatial data set that precisely maps disputed and undisputed border segments in post-independence Africa. The geospatial approach helps eliminate problems of aggregation by permitting an analysis of variation both within and between dyadic borders. We find that ethnic political considerations are the most important driver of territorial claims in Africa, while institutional features of the border play a secondary role. Border segments that partition ethnic groups are at greatest risk of being challenged when the partitioned groups are politically powerful in ethnically homogeneous societies. Border segments that follow well-established and clear focal principles such as rivers and watersheds are significantly less likely to be disputed, while changes to the border in the colonial period created opportunities for later disputes to arise. Power considerations or resources play only a minor role in explaining the location of territorial claims.
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In: American political science review, Volume 95, Issue 2, p. 517
ISSN: 0003-0554
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