Suchergebnisse

The converging roles of men and women are among the grandest advances in society and the economy in the last century. These aspects of the grand gender convergence are figurative chapters in a history of gender roles. But what must the "last" chapter contain for there to be equality in the labor market? The answer may come as a surprise. The solution does not (necessarily) have to involve government intervention and it need not make men more responsible in the home (although that wouldn't hurt). But it must involve changes in the labor market, especially how jobs are structured and remunerated to enhance temporal flexibility. The gender gap in pay would be considerably reduced and might vanish altogether if firms did not have an incentive to disproportionately reward individuals who labored long hours and worked particular hours. Such change has taken off in various sectors, such as technology, science, and health, but is less apparent in the corporate, financial, and legal worlds. (JEL J3, J16, J22, J24, J31, J33, N3)

Joyce Burnette's (2008) book investigates why women earned lower wages and had different occupations than men during the Industrial Revolution in Britain. Of more relevance in the present is why women often have lower earnings than and work in different occupations from men today. The answers from the past and present have some similarity, but the differences are considerably greater. The world of "brawn" jobs was transformed by technological change and sectoral shifts into a world of "brain" jobs. I will first address the question posed in the book and will end with that concerning today.

The career and family outcomes of college graduate women suggest that the twentieth century contained five distinct cohorts. The first cohort, graduating college from 1900 to 1920, had either "family or career." The second, graduating from 1920 to 1945, had "job then family." The third cohort, the college graduate mothers of the baby boom, graduated from 1946 to the mid1960s and had "family then job." Among the fourth cohort, graduating college from the late 1960s to 1980 and whose stated goal was "career then family," 13 to 18 percent achieved both by age forty. The objective of the fifth cohort, graduating from around 1980 to 1990, has been "career and family," and 21 to 28 percent have realized that goal by age forty. The author traces the demographic and labor force experiences of these five cohorts of college graduates and discusses why "career and family" outcomes changed over time.

The career & family outcomes of college graduate women suggest that the twentieth century contained five distinct cohorts. The first cohort, graduating college from 1900 to 1920, had either "family or career." The second, graduating from 1920 to 1945, had "job then family." The third cohort, the college graduate mothers of the baby boom, graduated from 1946 to the mid-1960s & had "family, then job." Among the fourth cohort, graduating college from the late 1960s to 1980 & whose stated goal was "career then family," 13 to 18 percent achieved both by age forty. The objective of the fifth cohort, graduating from around 1980 to 1990, has been "career & family," & 21 to 28 percent have realized that goal by age forty. The author traces the demographic & labor force experiences of these five cohorts of college graduates and discusses why "career & family" outcomes changed over time. 5 Tables, 3 Figures, 7 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2004 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]