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In 2018, the extreme right-wing deputy Jair Bolsonaro took by surprise the international public opinion by being elected president of the republic in Brazil. Using a racist, sexist, homophobic and antidemocratic rhetoric, Bolsonaro managed to articulate a broad conservative and extreme right front in his support. This article analyses one of the facets of this political articulation around the opposition to the expressions of sexuality dissonant of the heterosexual model. For this purpose, the concept of moral panic will be used to understand the mobilizations against the QueerMuseu exhibition opened to the public in August 2017. The article uses the Protest Event Analysis as a data collection methodology, in order to identify the social actors involved in the moral panic, their mobilization tactics, their justifying arguments, as well as the responses of civil society and the political class to the moral panic. The article aims to understand not only the relevance of gender and sexual diversity issues in the recent authoritarian advance in Brazil, but also to identify the potential and limits of the concept of moral panic as an analytical and empirical tool in sociology. ; En 2018, le député d'extrême droite Jair Bolsonaro a surpris l'opinion publique internationale en étant élu président de la République du Brésil. En utilisant une rhétorique raciste, sexiste, homophobe et antidémocratique, Bolsonaro a réussi à articuler un large front conservateur et d'extrême droite en sa faveur. Cet article analyse une des facettes de cette articulation politique, celle portant sur l'opposition aux expressions de la sexualité en dissonance avec le modèle hétérosexuel. À cette fin, nous utilisons le concept de panique morale pour comprendre les mobilisations à l'encontre de l'exposition QueerMuseu inaugurée en août 2017. L'article utilise l'analyse événementielle comme méthode de recueil des données afin d'identifier les acteurs sociaux impliqués dans la panique morale, leurs tactiques de mobilisation, les arguments qu'ils ...

Em 2018, Jair Bolsonaro, ex-capitão e deputado conhecido por seus comentários racistas, sexistas e homofóbicos, foi eleito presidente do Brasil. Sua eleição chocou analistas políticos, representando o maior retrocesso na democracia brasileira desde o fim do regime militar nos anos 80. O presente trabalho analisa os atores sociais e os processos políticos que viabilizaram a ascensão do Bolsonaro ao poder. O texto se concentra no papel das políticas anti-gênero na recente virada autoritária. Inspirado em alguns insights da metodologia de Análise de Evento de Protesto, o trabalho explora a dinâmica dos eventos de protesto anti-gênero, seus principais atores sociais e políticos, repertórios de ações e demandas. Também analisa o recente debate sobre a crise da democracia e o avanço de movimentos e partidos de extrema direita, centrando-se na centralidade da oposição à igualdade de gênero e aos direitos LGBTQI + na retórica e na ação de destes movimentos. ; In 2018, Jair Bolsonaro, a former captain and congressman known for his racist, sexist, and homophobic remarks, was elected president of Brazil. His election shocked political analysts, representing the major setback in the Brazilian democracy since the end of the military rule in the 1980's. The present work analyses the social actors and the political processes behind the rise of Bolsonaro to power. It focuses on the role of anti-gender politics in the recent authoritarian turn. Borrowing some insights from the Protest Event Analysis methodology, the work explores the dynamics of the anti-gender protest events, their main social and political actors, repertoires of actions and demands. It also review the recent debate on the crisis of democracy and the rise of extreme right-wing movements and parties, focusing on the centrality of opposition to gender equity and LGBTQI+ rights in the rhetoric and action of conservative and far-right groups.

Entrevista com o escritor, ensaísta e poeta português/moçambicano Eduardo Pitta.

Resumo Este artigo visa analisar o fenômeno da política institucional que vem ganhado crescente visibilidade no Brasil contemporâneo: as candidaturas eleitorais de LGBT. O texto está organizado em três partes: na primeira, explora-se o debate acadêmico sobre o campo político institucional, com especial ênfase nos partidos políticos, nas eleições e no recrutamento eleitoral no Brasil pós-redemocratização. Na segunda parte, analisa-se as relações e as tensões entre ativistas homossexuais e os partidos políticos de esquerda (principalmente com o PT), desde o surgimento do movimento político de homossexuais, no fim da década de 1970, até a administração de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2011). Na terceira parte, investiga-se o perfil dos(as) candidatos(as) pró-direitos LGBT. Para tanto, usa-se informações dos(as) candidatos(as) assumidamente LGBT e/ou aliados(as) que assumiram o compromisso com os direitos LGBT de acordo com a ABGLT nas últimas eleições (2002, 2004, 2008 e 2012). Os dados dos(as) candidatos(as) foram coletados no site do TSE e organizados em um banco de dados em formato SPSS.

En 2018, le député d'extrême droite Jair Bolsonaro a surpris l'opinion publique internationale en étant élu président de la République du Brésil. En utilisant une rhétorique raciste, sexiste, homophobe et antidémocratique, Bolsonaro a réussi à articuler un large front conservateur et d'extrême droite en sa faveur. Cet article analyse une des facettes de cette articulation politique, celle portant sur l'opposition aux expressions de la sexualité en dissonance avec le modèle hétérosexuel. À cette fin, nous utilisons le concept de panique morale pour comprendre les mobilisations à l'encontre de l'exposition QueerMuseu inaugurée en août 2017. L'article utilise l'analyse événementielle comme méthode de recueil des données afin d'identifier les acteurs sociaux impliqués dans la panique morale, leurs tactiques de mobilisation, les arguments qu'ils utilisent, ainsi que les réponses de la société civile et de la classe politique à cette panique morale. L'article vise non seulement à appréhender la pertinence des questions de genre et de diversité sexuelle dans la récente avancée de l'autoritarisme au Brésil, mais aussi à identifier les possibilités et les limites du concept de panique morale en tant qu'outil analytique et empirique en sociologie.

Today the term "Geopolitics" is very used but only in few situations is correctly employed. Normally its mentions is without any geopolitical literature or even geographic/spatial information. For this reason, this research will explore the precision of the Geopolitical Subject.

This article aims to reflect on how changes in digital sociability practices influence on the affective and sexual relationships among gay men in Northeast Brazil. We argue some of these changes are associated with an entrepreneurial ethics of desire, which is a set of desiring and sociability practices influenced by neoliberal imperatives, such as free competition, high selectiveness, meritocracy, economic rationale, utilitarianism, and self-entrepreneurship. In a mediatised reality under platform capitalism, we wonder: by taking on market-oriented practices, how do individuals constitute themselves as differentiated desiring subjects? We seek to elucidate this point by analysing seven in-depth interviews conducted with gay men whose affective-sexual trajectories have been impacted by communication technologies' transformations in the last three decades. All respondents were gay men between 25-34 years old, residents in Recife's metropolitan area and were contacted via Grindr. Focused on cultural scripts for sex mediated by digital media and on self-presentation in profiles, we investigate how these individuals negotiate homoerotic sociabilities simultaneously on different social platforms. In an attempt to constitute themselves as "desirable" subjects in digital spheres, these individuals experience several tensions that are triggered by social markers of desire, such as race, class, gender performativity and physicality. Based on an intersectional approach, we aim to identify aspects of what we define as an entrepreneurial ethics of desire. We also propose to investigate whether, in terms of resistance and indiscipline, we can think of an alternative sexual-affective ethics for sociability and desiring practices – namely a queer ethics of desire.

O presente artigo tem por objetivo apresentar contribuições de Heleieth Saffioti para a análise da função e da natureza do emprego doméstico no capitalismo. Para isso, realizamos um estudo sobre as principais produções de Saffioti e articulamos com o debate de Marx sobre as configurações do trabalho na sociedade capitalista, especialmente no debate sobre trabalho produtivo e improdutivo. Saffioti define emprego doméstico como uma atividade não capitalista de trabalho paga com a renda pessoal da família e/ou do indivíduo que emprega, e tem como principal função a reprodução da força de trabalho.