Suchergebnisse

The political expression of ordinary Internet users in Singapore has received the attention of some scholars but very little has been specifically written about citizen journalism during general elections. Since the arrival of the Internet in Singapore in 1995, the People's Action Party (PAP) government has actively sought to control the supply of online political content during the election campaign period. This paper looks at how online political expressions of ordinary Internet users & the regulations to control them have taken shape during the last three general elections in 1997, 2001 & 2006. In absolute electoral terms there seems to have been no impact over the last three general elections. However, as a supplementary medium for alternative information during elections, the Internet has made some headway. It remains to be seen if this headway will have an impact on the absolute electoral results in future elections or become the target of increased control. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The political expression of ordinary Internet users in Singapore has received the attention
of some scholars but very little has been specifically written about citizen journalism
during general elections. Since the arrival of the Internet in Singapore in 1995, the People's
Action Party (PAP) government has actively sought to control the supply of online political
content during the election campaign period. This paper looks at how online political
expressions of ordinary Internet users and the regulations to control them have taken shape
during the last three general elections in 1997, 2001 and 2006. In absolute electoral terms
there seems to have been no impact over the last three general elections. However, as a
supplementary medium for alternative information during elections, the Internet has made
some headway. It remains to be seen if this headway will have an impact on the absolute
electoral results in future elections or become the target of increased control.

This article argues that the trends in state regulation, survelliance and control of the internet in Asia stand to effectively reduce political expression. A variety of international media watch and human rights organisations have noted that since September 2011, a slew of anti-terrorism laws have been adopted in Asia which place greater restrictions on the internet. Laws against online pornography, gambling, hate speech and spam have been revised to cover online political content and mobilisation. Such measures limit and reduce the space cyberactivists have to push the demogaphic agenda online. These cybersecurity measures, introduced as part of the 'war against terrorism', represent an extension of already draconian regulation in South-East Asian countries.

This paper provides a personal account of the attempt to expand the scope and effectiveness of civil society in Singapore through the creative deployment of the Internet and other communication technologies. The narrative seeks to convey the experience of the attempt to open up the possibilities of informed, active and engaged citizenship in Singapore and beyond. Both the possibilities and possible bottlenecks are examined in the context of globalization and the emergence of new communication technologies and globalization.

AbstractThis paper examines the changing role of national and ethnic identity in post-independence Singapore. It argues that in comparison with 10-15 years ago, ethnic identities have gained importance over the national one. Examining the case of the Indians, in particular, that of the Tamil-speaking community, the paper argues that conditions for preserving the identity of the Tamil community are much improved. This is also true for the Sikh community. However, for the Malayalee community, given its fragmented nature, the prospects look bleak. The inability to gather the various segments of the community into a collective working whole is central to its problems. There is also a division between the younger and older members of the community. The younger Malayalees, having been socialized differently from the older generation in post-independence Singapore, find the current calls to return to ethnic roots unconvincing. The deliberations surrounding identity maintenance within the Malayalee community are sociologically interesting. They illustrate how recent national policies affect ethnic identity maintenance in contemporary Singapore.

"This book offers a regional analysis of the impact of fake news - misinformation, mal-information and dis-information - on electoral democracy and freedom of expression in Southeast Asia, which has taken place in the midst of a global health pandemic. The book maps the impact of social media and the internet on democracy in the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that have already been in the throes of democratic regression for some time. Including an analysis of countries that do not have national elections, the chapters provide detailed information on the extent of internet and social media penetration in each country, the laws that are deployed to reel in its political potential for critics and demonstrate the impact on democracy or the prospects for democracy. Collectively, contributors note that disinformation is a serious problem in the region that negatively impacts elections and how governments' attempts to deal with the phenomenon inevitably lead to the targeting of dissenting voices and opposition as anti-state fake news. The deleterious impact on democracy and freedom of expression, facilitated by a citizenry that is prone to manipulation of facts, appears to be the standard modus operandi in the regional authoritarian complex. This book is the first to undertake a regional analysis of disinformation in Southeast Asia and a significant contribution to the literature on democracy, elections and disinformation. It will be of interest to researchers in the fields of Political Science and Asian Politics, in particular Southeast Asian Politics"--

"This book offers a regional analysis of the impact of fake news - misinformation, mal-information and dis-information - on electoral democracy and freedom of expression in Southeast Asia, which has taken place in the midst of a global health pandemic. The book maps the impact of social media and the internet on democracy in the members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that have already been in the throes of democratic regression for some time. Including an analysis of countries that do not have national elections, the chapters provide detailed information on the extent of internet and social media penetration in each country, the laws that are deployed to reel in its political potential for critics and demonstrate the impact on democracy or the prospects for democracy. Collectively, contributors note that disinformation is a serious problem in the region that negatively impacts elections and how governments' attempts to deal with the phenomenon inevitably lead to the targeting of dissenting voices and opposition as anti-state fake news. The deleterious impact on democracy and freedom of expression, facilitated by a citizenry that is prone to manipulation of facts, appears to be the standard modus operandi in the regional authoritarian complex. This book is the first to undertake a regional analysis of disinformation in Southeast Asia and a significant contribution to the literature on democracy, elections and disinformation. It will be of interest to researchers in the fields of Political Science and Asian Politics, in particular Southeast Asian Politics"--

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- Abbreviations -- List of Charts -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Business and Human Rights Asia-Examining the Duty of the State to Protect -- Introduction -- Asia and Business and Human Rights -- A Cross-Disciplinary Field -- State Accountability in the Asia-Centred, Westphalia Order -- Outline of Book and Chapters -- Conclusion -- References -- Part I: Norms and Policy -- Chapter 2: Does the Slipper Fit? National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights in South East Asia -- Introduction -- The Emergence of NAPS on Business and Human Rights -- NAPS in Southeast Asia -- Scope of NAPs in the Region -- Possible Areas for Inclusion in South East Asian NAPs -- Trade and Investment Agreements -- The Informal Economy -- Conflict/Post-Conflict Situations -- Access to Remedy -- Implementation and Monitoring -- An Asian Solution -- A Regional Approach? -- Recent Developments: The Thai NAP -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3: National Action Plans on Business and Human Rights: Norms, Procedures and Pitfalls -- Introduction -- The UNGPS: Basic Structure -- From CSRS To UNGPS -- Normative Contribution of the UNGPS And NAPS -- The Duty of States -- NAPS Development: Procedural Aspects -- Positive Uptake of NAPS, with Pitfalls -- Conclusion -- References -- Part II: Contemporary Issues in Asia -- Chapter 4: Multinational Corporations and Human Rights in Indonesia: The Need for Improvement in Legislation -- Introduction -- A Brief Overview of the Problem -- Multinational Corporations and Human Rights Accountability -- Holding Governments Accountable -- a Lesson Learned -- Indonesia and the UN Guiding Principle on Business and Human Rights -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5: All Carrots and No Stick: Human Rights Regulation of Companies in Japan -- Introduction.

1. National Human Rights Institutions in Southeast Asia: Challenges to the Protection of Human Rights -- 2. National Human Rights Institutions: From Idea to Implementation -- 3. NHRIs in Southeast Asian States: The Necessary Foundation for an Efficient ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) -- 4. National Human Rights Institutions and the United Nations Human Rights Treaty Body System: A Rebuttal to the Sceptics -- 5. Assessing the Effectiveness of the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission in the Wider Regional Geo-Political Context -- 6. From Transition to Government Accountability: Opportunities for the Myanmar National Human Rights Commission -- 7. Komnas HAM: Discrepancies between its Mandate and the Indonesian Constitutional Framework -- 8. Strengthening Komnas HAM and Building Synergies with other National State Institutions on Human Rights -- 9. The Protection Capacities of NHRIs in The Philippines, Thailand and Timor Leste -- 10. Advocating for a National Human Rights Institution in Singapore -- 11. Mental Health and Human Rights: The Role of Komnas HAM -- 12. Bridging Gaps and Hopes: Malaysia's National Human Rights Commission and Rights Related to SOGIESC -- 13. Komnas HAM and the Land Rights of Indigenous Peoples: National Enquiry as a New Mechanism for the Settlement of Disputes -- 14. The Protection Capacities of NHRIs.