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Children's Healthcare and Parental Media Engagement in Urban China -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1 Introduction -- Research Background -- Theoretical Framework and Research Objectives -- Methodology -- Outline of the Book -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 2 Risk and Children's Healthcare in Modern China -- Introduction -- Risk Society and Modern Cultural Experience in China -- Ulrich Beck's Risk Society -- The Rise of Individualisation in China -- One-Child Policy and Changing Family Structure -- Consumer Society and Individualisation -- Healthcare Reform in China

'The 'culture of anxiety' that pervades contemporary societies to the detriment of everyday life and experience is nowhere more marked than among parents. This book makes an important and innovative contribution to the investigation of this matter, as it has developed in China. Taking health care and young children as its focus, it provides thought provoking discussion about the interplay between media (including new media) and the workings of risk consciousness, in an economy characterised by rapid change. The empirical work discussed in the book that explores the experience of parents and grandparents is of particular interest methodologically.' - Dr Ellie Lee, School of Social Policy, Sociology and Social Research, University of Kent This book analyses parental anxieties about their children's healthcare issues in urban China, engaging with wider theoretical debates about modernity, risk and anxiety. It examines the broader social, cultural and historical contexts of parental anxiety by analysing a series of socio-economic changes and population policy changes in post-reform China that contextualise parental experiences. Drawing on Wilkinson's (2001) conceptualisation linking individual's risk consciousness to anxiety, this book analyses the situated risk experiences of parents' and grandparents', looking particularly into their engagement with various types of media. It studies the representations of health issues and health-related risks in a parenting magazine, popular newspapers, commercial advertising and new media, as well as parents' and grandparents' engagement with and response to these media representations. By investigating 'a culture of anxiety' among parents and grandparents in contemporary China, this book seeks to add to the scholarship of contemporary parenthood in a non-Western context

The article critically examines 'Telling China's Story Well' (TCSW), a popular propaganda campaign slogan proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013. Drawing on theories about storytelling and propaganda and using the COVID-19 as a contextualised example, the paper discusses how the slogan was adapted into 'Telling China's Anti-pandemic Story Well' to mobilise domestic and external propaganda of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) during the pandemic. We argue that TCSW should be understood as a well-crafted political watchword which promotes and commands strategic narratives of doing propaganda. It has the rhetorical power to integrate and reinvigorate domestic and external propaganda, and to facilitate their convergence. Adapting this slogan to mobilise propaganda campaigns of national or global importance and interest demonstrates the CCP's ambition to harness strategic storytelling to improve the coherence, effectiveness and reputation of its propaganda at home and abroad.

This paper analyses the perceptions of media freedom and responsibility by journalists and politicians in South Korea during the Presidency of Roh Moo-huyn (2003-8). It draws on indepth interviews with ten journalists and ten politicians with different political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country's media democratisation. For them the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legacies and economic conditions. The most pressing example is the way the paternal power of conservative media owners challenged the editorial independence of journalists. While the internet media offered some hope to re-balance the power relationship between the conservative and progressive forces, the sensational and hyper-adversarial media motivated by market and political competition emerged as more worrying concerns for the consolidation of democratic political communication in post-transition South Korea. Setbacks in press freedom since 2008 have undermined some of the positive evaluations of the political communication in South Korea, suggesting that the democratic transition in this country resembles 'a circle rather a straight line'. ; Peer-reviewed ; Post-print

This collection explores way in which women in academia from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds mediate the negotation between linguistic discrimination and linguistic diversity in higher education, using autoethnography. This book will be of interest to scholars in applied linguistics, sociolinguistics, and cultural studies.

1) Editorial - Wanning Sun, S. 3, Abstract: When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) founded the People's Republic of China in 1949, it faced the enormous task of building not only a new national economy, but also a new class politics. Mao realised that a cultural transformation, rather than simply a political commitment, was necessary for his "continuous revolution." For this purpose, how to mobilise workers and peasants, previously exploited and oppressed by capitalists, to identify with and actively participate in the socialist modernisation process became the biggest challenge. To this end, cultural production under the ideological tutelage of the CCP was geared toward actively promoting the idea of class identity transformation…(China Perspect/GIGA). - 2) The shopfloor as Stage: production competition, democracy, and the unfulfilled promise of Red Flag Song - Ying Qian, S. 7, Abstract: In this paper, I read the play Red Flag Song (1948) as a window into a moment of missed opportunity in China's revolution, when the Party's re-engagement with the urban working class could have strengthened democratic tendencies within the Party, and when China's critical realist literary tradition could have grounded Chinese socialism in the real-life experiences and aspirations of the grassroots. Written at a time when the Party's control of both industrial and literary productions had begun to tighten, Red Flag Song registered compromise as well as defiance on the shopfloor, and foregrounded two issues as deeply related and fundamental to the making of a New China: work-place democracy as the basis for making China's working class, and realist literature as a means of understanding complexities and pluralities in social upheavals, and of ensuring a humane and democratic socialism. Unfortunately, the visions Red Flag Song carried were never realised in the following years. They remain unfulfilled promises of the Chinese revolution. (China Perspect/GIGA). - 3) Masters of nation: representation of the industrial worker in films of the Cultural Revolution period (1966-1976) - Qian Gong, S. 15, Abstract: Cinema, an extremely popular and useful cultural form during the Maoist era, played a big role in shaping working class subjectivity. This article argues that despite their highly politicised and formalised content, industrial-themed films made during the Cultural Revolution created a "masters of the nation" subjectivity that still resonates with workers who grew up watching these films. In doing so, this article brings together two bodies of scholarship that rarely make reference to one another: filmmaking in the Cultural Revolution period and post-Mao workers' subjectivity. Post-Mao scholarship has gone beyond simply dismissing films from the Cultural Revolution period as crude propaganda designed to create a highly politicised mass mind. It has drawn our attention to the more complicated nature of this body of filmmaking, particularly the "model play" films. However, new features made during the Cultural Revolution are often seen as "too ideological" to warrant academic attention. This paper attempts to find out how the "masters of the nation" discourse still resonates with workers who grew up watching these films. It argues that, despite the valorisation of workers as the privileged class and an excessive focus on class struggle, these films have indeed endowed the subaltern with the kind of agency that is lacking in contemporary media representations of workers. (China Perspect/GIGA)