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Abstract:This article begins by presenting the Bernard Manin's argument on the evolution of the political representation and the transition from party democracy to audience democracy. It continues by taking into account the origins and evolution of the economic crisis in order to underline some of its consequences concerning the political and institutional arena. Third, it analyzes the electoral impact of the crisis of representation on the regional and general 2015 elections. Finally, the article evaluates the new party system and its implications withregard to the issue of political polarization. ; ResumenEste artículo comienza presentando la idea de Bernard Manin sobre la evolución de las formas de representación política y el paso de la democracia de partidos a la democracia de audiencia. A continuación, hace repaso de la génesis y evolución de la crisis económica con el fin de subrayar algunas de sus consecuencias en el terreno políticoinstitucional. En tercer lugar, se detiene en el análisis del impacto electoral de la crisis de representación en las elecciones autonómicas y generales de 2015, para llegar, por último, a evaluar el nuevo sistema de partidos y sus implicaciones en materia de polarización política.Summary:1. Old and new politics. 2. The genealogy of the crisis. 3. The electoral impact of the crisis: the autonomic and general elections of 2015. 4. The new system of parties: limited transition to pluralism polarized pluralism. 5. Summary.Abstract:This article begins by presenting the Bernard Manin's argument on the evolution of the political representation and the transition from party democracy to audience democracy. It continues by taking into account the origins and evolution of the economic crisis in order to underline some of its consequences concerning the political and institutional arena. Third, it analyzes the electoral impact of the crisis of representation on the regional and general 2015 elections. Finally, the article evaluates the new party system and its implications withregard to the issue of political polarization.

After two decades of fraternal collaboration, Fermín Bouza had a particular memory of the moment when a group of researchers from several universities in Madrid gathered around him to form the team called "Agenda y Voto". So that no issue is now as relevant to pay tribute as the one that relates those two parts of the equation that for a long time constituted our research agenda, although the breadth of the reference period that we are going to use in this article It allows opening the zoom and study the broader context in which this relationship develops. Thus, on the one hand, we will study the changes registered in the media system as a combined effect of the 2008 crisis and the 2011 change of government, while, on the other hand, we will put them in relation with the changes in the political party system as they were certified in the general elections of 2015. We will use the post-election studies of the CIS of 2008 and 2015 to highlight the last phase of the changes registered in the evolution of polarized pluralism that presides over the functioning of our media system, modifications that go from the hand in this case of the changes produced with the advent of the "new policy". ; Tras dos décadas de colaboración fraternal, Fermín Bouza tenía particular recuerdo del momento en que un grupo de investigadores de varias universidades madrileñas nos reunimos en torno a él para constituir el equipo que se llamó "Agenda y Voto". De manera que ningún tema resulta ahora tan oportuno para rendirle homenaje como el que pone en relación esas dos partes de la ecuación que durante mucho tiempo constituyó nuestra agenda de investigación, si bien la amplitud del periodo de referencia que vamos a utilizar en este artículo nos permite abrir el zoom y estudiar el contexto más amplio en que se desarrollan dicha relación. Así, por un lado, estudiaremos los cambios registrados en el sistema mediático como efecto combinado de la crisis de 2008 y del cambio de gobierno de 2011, en tanto que, por otro, los pondremos en relación ...

Tras dos décadas de colaboración fraternal, Fermín Bouza tenía particular recuerdo del momento en que un grupo de investigadores de varias universidades madrileñas nos reunimos en torno a él para constituir el equipo que se llamó "Agenda y Voto". De manera que ningún tema resulta ahora tan oportuno para rendirle homenaje como el que pone en relación esas dos partes de la ecuación que durante mucho tiempo constituyó nuestra agenda de investigación, si bien la amplitud del periodo de referencia que vamos a utilizar en este artículo nos permite abrir el zoom y estudiar el contexto más amplio en que se desarrollan dicha relación. Así, por un lado, estudiaremos los cambios registrados en el sistema mediático como efecto combinado de la crisis de 2008 y del cambio de gobierno de 2011, en tanto que, por otro, los pondremos en relación con los cambios en el sistema de partidos tal como quedaron certificados en las elecciones generales de 2015. Utilizaremos los estudios postelectorales del CIS de 2008 y 2015 para poner de relieve la última fase de los cambios registrados en la evolución del pluralismo polarizado que preside el funcionamiento de nuestro sistema mediático, modificaciones que van de la mano en este caso de los cambios producidos con el advenimiento de la "nueva política". ; After two decades of fraternal collaboration, Fermín Bouza had a particular memory of the moment when a group of researchers from several universities in Madrid gathered around him to form the team called "Agenda y Voto". So that no issue is now as relevant to pay tribute as the one that relates those two parts of the equation that for a long time constituted our research agenda, although the breadth of the reference period that we are going to use in this article It allows opening the zoom and study the broader context in which this relationship develops. Thus, on the one hand, we will study the changes registered in the media system as a combined effect of the 2008 crisis and the 2011 change of government, while, on the other hand, we will put them in relation with the changes in the political party system as they were certified in the general elections of 2015. We will use the post-election studies of the CIS of 2008 and 2015 to highlight the last phase of the changes registered in the evolution of polarized pluralism that presides over the functioning of our media system, modifications that go from the hand in this case of the changes produced with the advent of the "new policy".

What is the impact of dictatorships on postdictatorial civil societies? Bottom-up theories suggest that totalitarian dictatorships destroy civil society while authoritarian ones allow for its development. Top-down theories of civil society suggest that totalitarianism can create civil societies while authoritarianism is unlikely to. This article argues that both these perspectives suffer from a one-dimensional understanding of civil society that conflates strength and autonomy. Accordingly we distinguish these two dimensions and argue that totalitarian dictatorships tend to create organizationally strong but heteronomous civil societies, while authoritarian ones tend to create relatively autonomous but organizationally weak civil societies. We then test this conceptualization by closely examining the historical connection between dictatorship and civil society development in Italy (a posttotalitarian case) and Spain da postauthoritarian one). Our article concludes by reflecting on the implications of our argument for democratic theory, civil society theory, and theories of regime variation.

This article analyzes the possibilities and limits of agrarian professionalization in Spain from the point of view of the opinions and attitudes of the farmers for whom agriculture is their principal activity. The article permits the identification of a hard core of younger farmers with medium to large holdings and with a fruit and vegetable orientation, who identify themselves as professionals or businessmen, and who show a relative fulfillment of the professional ideal. It is, however, an incipient process which runs into all kinds of limitations, not only in attitudes but also in institutions, on one hand relating to the very nature of family farming and, on the other, relating to the absence of an adequate political‐institutional framework.

This article analyzes the possibilities and limits of agrarian professionalization in Spain from the point of view of the opinions and attitudes of the farmers for whom agriculture is their principal activity. The article permits the identification of a hard core of younger farmers with middle-to-large-size holdings and with a preferentially fruit and vegetable orientation, who identify themselves as professionals or businessmen, and who show a relative fulfillment of the professional ideal. It is, however, an incipient process which runs into all kinds of limitations, not only in attitudes but also in institutions: on one hand, relating to the very nature of family farming and, on the other, relating to the absence of an adequate political-institutional framework. ; Este artículo analiza las posibilidades y límites de la profesionalización agraria en España desde el punto de vista de las opiniones y actitudes de los agricultores que tienen la agricultura como actividad principal. El artículo permite identificar un núcleo de agricultores más bien jóvenes, con explotaciones medio-grandes y de orientación preferentemente hortofrutícola, que se autoidentifican como profesionales o empresarios y que presentan un relativo cumplimiento del ideal profesional. Se trata, sin embargo, de un proceso incipiente que tropieza con todo tipo de limitaciones, no solo actitudinales, sino también institucionales, relativas, por un lado, a la propia naturaleza de la agricultura familiar y, por otro, a la ausencia de un marco político-institucional adecuado.

Female representation in political decision-making positions is now a salient issue in public discussions throughout Europe. Understanding public attitudes towards a more balanced gender distribution in politics remains limited, however. Using a 2017 Eurobarometer, we focus on cross-national differences in public support for increased female participation in politics to address this limitation. Building on the policy feedbacks literature, we stress the role of gender quotas. We argue that quotas - as legislative devices usually adopted through elite-driven initiatives - stimulate support for stronger female representation. Ensuing debates on quotas raise individual awareness about the underrepresentation of women - informational effect - and, once adopted, give a clear signal that persistent gender imbalance is a social problem to be redressed - normative effect. Our empirical analysis supports this argument. Citizens in countries with gender quotas display stronger support for increased female participation in politics. ; The project received financial support from the Spanish State Research Agency (project: RT2018-0988781-B-I00).

This paper advances the literature on the determinants of survival in contexts of indiscriminate violence through a case-study of Spaniards in the Mauthausen concentration camp. We benefit from the high-quality individual information collected by Spaniards with administrative jobs at the camp. Although our analysis also examines the role of age, marital status, and religious self-identification, our main focus lies in the role of social class in survival, with social class determined by the occupation prior to the deportation. We hypothesize individuals from higher social classes display higher survival probabilities through their greater capacity to fill relevant positions in the camp, their more central location in support networks and probably better command of the German language. Using Cox models, the results support our main hypothesis. The risk of death was highest amongst unskilled agricultural workers, followed by unskilled non-agricultural workers.