Chapter 1: Between threats and capabilities: maritime strategies in the era of great power competition -- Part 1: Maritime Strategies of Great Powers in the 21st Century -- Chapter 2: United States: naval hegemony faces the Eurasian challenge -- Chapter 3: People's Republic of China: the 'blue' dream of a maritime challenger -- Chapter 4: Russia's maritime strategy: between naval modernization and power projection -- Chapter 5: Republic of India: a democratic power with maritime aspirations -- Part 2: Naval Competition in the Oceans of the Global South -- Chapter 6: Indo-Pacific: clash of the titans -- Chapter 7: The South Atlantic and the global strategic competition.
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This book explains cooperative and confrontational regional orders in the post-Cold War era. Applying a push-and-pull framework to the evolution of regional orders, the book's theoretical section compares regional dynamics and studies the transformation and authority of governing arrangements among key regional actors who manage security and institutional cooperation. This presents a novel approach to comparing non-Western regional orders, and helps forge a better integration between IR disciplinary approaches and area studies. The empirical section analyses Central Eurasia and South America within the period 1989-2017, using case studies and interviews with decision-makers, practitioners and experts. The volume demonstrates that soft engagement strategies from extra-regional great powers and internationalist domestic coalitions framed in a stable democratic polity are forces for peaceful interaction, while hard engagement strategies from great external powers plus nationalist coalitions within democratic backsliding in key regional powers present negative outlooks for regional cooperation.
This book explains cooperative and confrontational regional orders in the post-Cold War era. Applying a push-and-pull framework to the evolution of regional orders, the book's theoretical section compares regional dynamics and studies the transformation and authority of governing arrangements among key regional actors who manage security and institutional cooperation. This presents a novel approach to comparing non-Western regional orders, and helps forge a better integration between International Relations disciplinary approaches and area studies. The empirical section analyzes Central Eurasia and South America within the period 1989-2017, using case studies and interviews with decision-makers, practitioners and experts. The volume demonstrates that soft engagement strategies from extra-regional great powers and internationalist domestic coalitions framed in a stable democratic polity are forces for peaceful interaction, while hard engagement strategies from great external powers plus nationalist coalitions within democratic backsliding in key regional powers present negative outlooks for regional cooperation. This book will be of much interest to students of regional security, comparative politics, area studies and International Relations.
El sistema internacional provee una serie de incentivos dispares para situaciones de conflictos latentes en el Sur Global, así como la intensidad de conflictos latentes incide en las dinámicas de seguridad regional. La Cuestión Malvinas, entendida como el conflicto de soberanía entre la República Argentina y el Reino Unido por las Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur, Sándwich del Sur y los espacios marítimos circundantes, representa el principal conflicto de soberanía en el Atlántico Sur, al mismo tiempo que los cambios en el orden internacional han generado incentivos para una menor intensidad de las dinámicas conflictivas en el periodo de postguerra fría. Este ensayo analiza la trayectoria del Atlántico Sur desde 1983 hasta el 2023 centrado en el balance estabilidad/inestabilidad conformado por la interacción entre la existencia de conflictos regionales y la proyección de actores extrarregionales en el espacio marítimo sudatlántico.
Resumen: Desde el ascenso de Vladimir Putin al poder, Rusia ha combinado estabilidad política y económica con asertividad internacional, lo que ha sentado las bases para el regreso de Moscú a la primera plana del escenario mundial. El artículo presenta las principales discusiones en torno a la gran estrategia de la Federación de Rusia y analiza la trayectoria de su política exterior desde la llegada de Vladimir Putin al poder hasta el inicio de la crisis global de la covid-19. Desde la perspectiva del realismo neoclásico, el principal argumento es que Rusia posee una gran estrategia pragmática basada en un trípode de objetivos –preservación de estatus como potencia global, primacía en el espacio postsoviético y disuasión a la expansión de la otan– que se implementan mediante la utilización de una gama amplia de herramientas, incluida la coerción por vías militares. A continuación, se desarrolla la evolución de la estrategia internacional del pragmatismo estratégico ruso que generó una serie de tensiones con Occidente tras las crisis de Georgia en 2008 y Ucrania en 2014, en paralelo con el ascenso de un vector alternativo eurasiático. ; Abstract: Since Vladimir Putin's ascent to power, Russia has combined political and economic stability with a greater assertiveness on the global stage, which has laid the groundwork for Moscow's return to the forefront of international politics. The paper presents the principal discussions around the grand strategy of the Russian Federation and analyzes the trajectory of its foreign policy from the arrival of Vladimir Putin to power to the beginning of the global covid-19 crisis. From the perspective of neoclassical realism, the principal argument is that Russia is implementing a pragmatic strategy based on a trio of objectives: preservation of its status as a global power, maintaining its hegemonic role in the post-Soviet realm, and preventing the expansion of nato. These are implemented using a wide range of tools, including military coercion. The paper then addresses the evolution of Russia's pragmatic international strategy, which has led to a series of tensions with the West following the crisis in Georgia in 2008 and in Ukraine in 2014, in parallel with the ascent of an alternative Euro-Asian vector. ; Résumé: Depuis l'arrivée de Vladimir Poutine au pouvoir, la Russie a su conjuguer stabilité politico-économique et fermeté au niveau international, jetant ainsi les bases de son retour sur le devant de la scène mondiale. Cet article présente les principaux débats ayant trait à la grande stratégie de la Fédération de Russie, avant d'analyser l'évolution de sa politique étrangère, de l'arrivée au pouvoir de Vladimir Poutine au début de la pandémie de COVID-19. Le réalisme néoclassique centre son approche sur ce qui serait la grande stratégie pragmatique russe reposant sur trois objectifs – maintien du statut de puissance mondiale de la Russie, hégémonie au sein de l'espace postsoviétique et contention de l'OTAN, poursuivis à travers l'emploi d'un large éventail de moyens qui incluent la coercition militaire. Cet article expose l'évolution de la stratégie internationale propre au pragmatisme stratégique russe, à l'origine d'une série de tensions avec l'Occident suite aux crises géorgienne de 2008 et ukrainienne de 2014, et ceci parallèlement à l'essor d'un axe alternatif eurasiatique.
Resumen: El artículo tiene como objeto presentar el impacto del gran cambio geoestratégico del siglo XXI sobre los órdenes regionales territoriales dentro de la Gran Eurasia, prestando particular atención a la interacción entre las grandes potencias regionales y extrarregionales en Asia Central, el Cáucaso y el Medio Oriente. La crisis financiera internacional de 2008/2009 y el dinamismo de las potencias emergentes han facilitado la traslación de la centralidad geopolítica del espacio atlántico hacia la Gran Eurasia, con ramificaciones en los principales mecanismos globales de dominación y asignación de recursos. En los últimos quince años, la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos ha sufrido un deterioro progresivo a nivel global en el plano militar y económico, al mismo tiempo que China se proyecta como el gran competidor estratégico en el siglo XXI y Rusia contrapone con políticas asertivas la extensión del bloque atlantista en su zona de influencia. Tres preguntas proporcionan una guía para comprender el nuevo escenario en la Gran Eurasia: ¿Cuál será el rol de China en una Eurasia progresivamente sino-céntrica? ¿Cómo responderá la Federación Rusa ante este escenario? ¿La retirada hegemónica de EE.UU. fortalece la narrativa de un eje, o por el contrario fomenta la competencia entre sus principales actores regionales? ; Abstract: This article aims to present the impact of the major geostrategic change of the 21st century on territorial regional orders within the Greater Eurasia, paying special attention to the interaction between the great regional and extra-regional powers in Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East. The international financial crisis of 2008/2009 and the dynamic nature of the emerging powers have facilitated a shift of the geopolitical centre of gravity from the Atlantic area towards the Greater Eurasia, with repercussions in the main global mechanisms of domination and allocation of resources. In the last fifteen years, United States military and economic hegemony has suffered progressive deterioration at the global level, while, at the same time, China is viewed as the great strategic competitor in the 21st century and Russia resorts to assertive policies to oppose the extension of the Atlantic block in its area of influence. Three questions serve as a guide to understand the new scenario in the Greater Eurasia: What will be the role of China in a progressively Sino-centric Eurasia? How will the Russian Federation respond to this scenario? Will the US hegemonic retreat favour the development of an alternative axis or, on the contrary, encourage competition among its main regional actors? ; Summario: Este artigo tem como objetivo mostrar o impacto da grande mudança geoestratégica do século 21 sobre as ordens regionais territoriais dentro da Grande Eurásia, prestando particular atenção à interação entre as grandes potências regionais e extra-regionais na Ásia Central, no Cáucaso e no Oriente Médio. A crise financeira internacional de 2008- 2009 e o dinamismo das potências emergentes facilitaram o traslado da centralidade geopolítica do espaço atlântico para a Grande Eurásia, com ramificações nos principais mecanismos globais de dominação e distribuição de recursos. Nos últimos quinze anos, a hegemonia dos Estados Unidos vem sofrendo um desgaste progressivo em nível global nos planos militar e econômico, ao mesmo tempo que a China se projeta como o grande concorrente estratégico no século 21 e a Rússia contrapõe com políticas assertivas a extensão do bloco atlântico em sua zona de influência. Três perguntas proporcionam um guia para compreender o novo cenário na Grande Eurásia: Qual será o papel da China em uma Eurásia progressivamente sino-cêntrica? Como a Federação Russa responderá a esse cenário? A retirada hegemônica dos Estados Unidos fortalece a narrativa de um eixo ou, pelo contrario, fomenta a concorrência entre seus principais atores regionais?
In the last years, the Russian Federation has been in the global spotlight due to a series of assertive attitudes in his 'near abroad' and beyond. A central debate in the IR discipline and the regional studies on the Post-Soviet Space and the Middle East has been on the sources and nature of that 'new' regional and global policy. Russia used to have low profile in the Middle East during the Post-Cold War years, but the escalation in the Syria Civil War due to the imminent fall of the Al-Assad Regime provoked a critical juncture that pushed Russia to support military its ally. The article argues that Russia has recovered the great power status due to a military intervention in the Middle East which has been a spin-off of the U.S. hegemonic retreat after the failure of Iraq and the Obama's decision not to act in Syria. At the same time, Russia also has operated with an acceptable degree of military efficacy on a regional order separate from its immediate zone of interest. The new involvement provides us a significant indicator of a status upgrade since the latent capabilities become actual with the projection of military strength overseas.
Abstract: Abstract: In the last years, the Russian Federation has been in the global spotlight due to a series of assertive attitudes in his 'near abroad' and beyond. A central debate in the IR discipline and the regional studies on the Post-Soviet Space and the Middle East has been on the sources and nature of that 'new' regional and global policy. Russia used to have low profile in the Middle East during the Post-Cold War years, but the escalation in the Syria Civil War due to the imminent fall of the Al-Assad Regime provoked a critical juncture that pushed Russia to support military its ally. The article argues that Russia has recovered the great power status due to a military intervention in the Middle East which has been a spin-off of the U.S. hegemonic retreat after the failure of Iraq and the Obama's decision not to act in Syria. At the same time, Russia also has operated with an acceptable degree of military efficacy on a regional order separate from its immediate zone of interest. The new involvement provides us a significant indicator of a status upgrade since the latent capabilities become actual with the projection of military strength overseas.
In the last years, the Russian Federation has been in the global spotlight due to a series of assertive attitudes in his 'near abroad' and beyond. A central debate in the IR discipline and the regional studies on the Post-Soviet Space and the Middle East has been on the sources and nature of that 'new' regional and global policy. Russia used to have low profile in the Middle East during the Post-Cold War years, but the escalation in the Syria Civil War due to the imminent fall of the Al-Assad Regime provoked a critical juncture that pushed Russia to support military its ally. The article argues that Russia has recovered the great power status due to a military intervention in the Middle East which has been a spin-off of the U.S. hegemonic retreat after the failure of Iraq and the Obama's decision not to act in Syria. At the same time, Russia also has operated with an acceptable degree of military efficacy on a regional order separate from its immediate zone of interest. The new involvement provides us a significant indicator of a status upgrade since the latent capabilities become actual with the projection of military strength overseas. Recebido em: Agosto/2018. Aprovado em: Outubro/2018.
Durante los últimos años, la política mundial ha sido testigo de un desplazamiento dual del eje geoeconómico desde Occidente hacia Oriente, y desde el Norte desarrollado hacia el Sur Global; además de sufrir un proceso de cambio sistémico desde la unipolaridad norteamericana hacia un mundo más policéntrico y regionalizado. Una serie de poderes emergentes desarrolló esfuerzos internos y externos para incrementar sus capacidades materiales e inmateriales, lo que permitió tener una mayor voz en el plano internacional y ampliar el margen de negociación frente a los poderes establecidos. Rusia y Turquía han reflejado las ambiciones de los poderes emergentes, en especial la búsqueda de un mayor status en los asuntos internacionales, y la progresiva ampliación de sus ámbitos de influencia en espacios hegemonizados por terceras potencias. En este contexto, América Latina ha sido –al mismo tiempo– un actor regional progresivamente autónomo de Esta-dos Unidos, y un receptor de los esfuerzos de los nuevos poderes ascendentes, tanto aquellos con una fuerte tradición regional como los recién llegados. En este caso, Rusia y Turquía se han destacado por haber llevado adelante, durante la última década y media, una política exterior activa, pragmática y asertiva, logrando escalar posiciones a escala regional, además de desafiar a las potencias occidentales. Este artículo aborda la cuestión del creciente activismo de las potencias emergentes en América Latina, presentando un análisis de los mecanismos causales que han llevado a Rusia y Turquía a incrementar su presencia en la región durante el período 2006-2014. ; During the last years, world politics has witnessed a dual displacement of the geo-economic axis from the West to the East and, from the Developed North to the Global South; and a systemic change from aunipolarity towards a more polycentric and regionalized world. A set of rising powers developed domestic and external efforts to increase their material and non-material capabilities, which were translating to the regional and international arena with a greater voice and increasing their bargaining position with the established powers. Russia and Turkey has reflected the ambitions and activism of the emerging powers, especially in relation to the search for a novel status, and the progressive enlargement of their influence in regional orders hegemonized by western great powers. Latin America has been –simultaneously– a regional actor increasingly autonomous from United States, and a recipient of the efforts of the new, and not so new, rising powers, indicated by the case of Russia and Turkey respectively. They carried out an active, pragmatic and assertive foreign policy in Latin America, challenging the regional status of the Western powers. This article problematize the issue of the growing activism of the non-Western rising powers in Latin America, presenting an analysis of the causal mechanisms that have led Russia and Turkey to increase its presence in the region during the period 2006-2014. ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)
Abstract: In September 2019, the partly state-owned Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) and Argentine provincial state-owned INVAP officially agreed to co-develop a geostationary satellite. Despite both being developing countries, they have extensive satellite space programs with different stimuli. In the last two decades, Ankara has pushed for the development of a strategic industry in line with its military needs, while Argentina developed the satellite sector as part of broader initiatives to boost innovation and profits. This article examines the intersection of Argentina and Turkey's space programs by focusing on the goals, scope and dimensions of the geostationary joint project. The central argument is that despite their dissimilar motivations and policy paradigms, bilateral space cooperation in the Global South could be an alternative route to technological growth bypassing the dependence on traditional geopolitical partners and technological providers.
