Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- CONTENTS -- 1 Conflict, Migration, and the Expression of Ethnicity: Introduction -- 2 Revolution and Ethnic Identity: The Nicaraguan Case -- 3 Symbolic Imperatives for a Democratic Peace in Guatemala -- 4 Internal and External Identity Among Kanjobal Mayan Refugees in Florida -- 5 Ethnicity and Identity Among Migrant Guestworkers in West Berlin -- 6 The Christian Palestinians of Honduras: An Uneasy Accommodation -- 7 Refugees in Belize: A Cauldron of Ethnic Tensions -- 8 Lebanon's Protracted Conflict: Causes and Consequences -- 9 Conflict, Migration, and Ethnicity: A Summary -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Contributors.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title -- Copyright -- About the Book -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Foreword -- About the Editor and Authors -- Introduction -- 1 An Empirical Approach to Prehistoric Agrarian Collapse: The Case of the Moche Valley, Peru -- The Desert -- Environmental Change -- Canal Strategy -- Complementary Strategies -- Social Setting -- The Moche Valley Agricultural System -- Early Agricultuve -- Later Prehistory -- Agrarian Collapse -- Conclusions -- Acknowledgements -- Notes -- References -- 2 Farmers and Technical Experts: Information Flow in Irrigated Agriculture -- Introduation -- Case I: The Rusty Tractor Syndrome -- Case II: The Virgin Canals Syndrome -- Case III: The "My Superiors Have Not Yet Answered My Letter" Syndrome -- Israeli Observations -- Case I: The Telephone Factor -- Case II: The Muddy Feet Factor -- Analysis -- Conclusions -- Notes -- 3 Human Use of the Pre-Saharan Ecosystem and Its Impact on Desertization -- Introduction -- The Energy Flow Approach to the Study of Human Ecology -- The Value of Energy Flow Studies for Planners of Economic Policy in Developing Arid Regions -- Economic Production in Southern Tunisia -- Annual Differences in Soil Disturbance from Human Economic Activity -- Land Use Strategies in Southern Tunisia -- Prospects for Developing Land Use Alternatives -- References -- 4 Utilization of Surface Water by Northern Arabian Bedouins -- 5 Agroecosystem Diversity: A Model from the Sonoran Desert -- Ephemerals -- Root Perennials -- Columnar Cacti -- Desert Trees and Shrubs -- Seagrasses -- Saltgrass -- Summary -- Acknowledgments -- References -- 6 A Rational-Choice Model of Agricultural Resource Utilization and Conservation -- Introduction -- Rational-Choice Models and Agricultural Decisions -- The Model -- Agrarian Development -- End Notes -- References.

Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd's executions ignited protests across the world. These protests raised debate over the United States Supreme Court's creation of qualified immunity for police misconduct. This in turn creates an appropriate opportunity to stop and take stock of United States law surrounding protections and immunities afforded to law enforcement officials, relative to international law and policy on law enforcement accountability and oversight. In doing so, this article uncovers how the American judiciary carries out a new form of American rejectionism powered by its use of qualified immunity doctrine, which in practice, results in a lack of accountability for law enforcement officials. This effectively undermines international human rights law ratified by the State such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (UNCAT), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Form of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). The State judiciary's exercise of qualified immunity doctrine also dismisses international policy developed by international organizations like the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC). The issue is unsettling for two reasons: (1) it effectively nullifies the treaty making process and (2) perpetuates a system where domestic courts are not accountable to international law ratified and enforced by the nation's other two branches of government. This article proposes a new approach to this area of the law: reforming Reservations, Understandings, and Declarations (RUDs) so as to not limit treaties' domestic effect within the State's judicialsystem and instilling within it greater and more principled acceptance of international legal norms.

2019 Spring. ; A collection of sixteen travel essays, this creative nonfiction master's thesis explores what it means to claim and reclaim one's identity by traveling within and across borders. Situated in Latin America, Europe, the Middle East, and the United States, the thesis uses nonfiction forms including travel essays, personal reflections, braided essays, collage essays, literary journalism, autoethnographic writing, and flash nonfiction, to both explore and complicate the plurality of identity within the larger contexts of family history, cultural heritage, bilingualism, language relations, political tensions, social tensions, and globalization. The collection relies on a historical situatedness of food, language, culture, and immigration to examine what it means to internally identify with more than one place. One major theme of this collection is the question of what happens when a person's identity, through language and history, is caught between multiple landscapes.

International audience ; The subject of the article is sexual diversity in Colombia's peace process. Although this topic's significance is acknowledged in the debate previous to the October 2016 " peace referendum " , rejected by a narrow majority of Colombians, there are divergences on the sense of this rejection. In this article, we argue that the " gender " question was not a manipulation lead by FARC's opponents, as it is often told. Instead, we believe that this is a structural variable in the country's political and social life, and that it will have an increasingly relevant role in the public debate. The article points out how feminist organizations showed other organizations working LGBT's issues the way to Havana, where the peace negotiations took place. It also shows the place held today by Catholic and Evangelical churches and parties, as well as the role played by the sexual minorities human rights defense organizations. It also analyzes the complex issues that arise when the FARC must count on these organizations as allies, even more so if we take into account that this very guerrilla can be questioned for sexist and homophobic actions. Finally, the article showcases why the subjects of "gender" and "sexual diversity" will be subversive in the coming years political and social debate in Colombia. ; Este articulo trata sobre la diversidad sexual en el proceso de paz en Colombia. Aunque se reconoce el peso de este tema en el debate del referendo de octubre de 2016, rechazado por una estrecha mayoría, difieren las interpretaciones sobre su significado. En este artículo planteamos que el tema del " género " no fue una manipulación de los sectores opuestos a las Farc: es una variable estructural en la vida del país y tendrá importancia cada vez mayor en el debate político. El artículo muestra cómo las organizaciones feministas abrieron el camino de La Habana, sede de las negociaciones, a las organizaciones que trabajan por los derechos LGBT. Muestra también el lugar que ocupan hoy las iglesias y partidos ...

International audience ; The subject of the article is sexual diversity in Colombia's peace process. Although this topic's significance is acknowledged in the debate previous to the October 2016 " peace referendum " , rejected by a narrow majority of Colombians, there are divergences on the sense of this rejection. In this article, we argue that the " gender " question was not a manipulation lead by FARC's opponents, as it is often told. Instead, we believe that this is a structural variable in the country's political and social life, and that it will have an increasingly relevant role in the public debate. The article points out how feminist organizations showed other organizations working LGBT's issues the way to Havana, where the peace negotiations took place. It also shows the place held today by Catholic and Evangelical churches and parties, as well as the role played by the sexual minorities human rights defense organizations. It also analyzes the complex issues that arise when the FARC must count on these organizations as allies, even more so if we take into account that this very guerrilla can be questioned for sexist and homophobic actions. Finally, the article showcases why the subjects of "gender" and "sexual diversity" will be subversive in the coming years political and social debate in Colombia. ; Este articulo trata sobre la diversidad sexual en el proceso de paz en Colombia. Aunque se reconoce el peso de este tema en el debate del referendo de octubre de 2016, rechazado por una estrecha mayoría, difieren las interpretaciones sobre su significado. En este artículo planteamos que el tema del " género " no fue una manipulación de los sectores opuestos a las Farc: es una variable estructural en la vida del país y tendrá importancia cada vez mayor en el debate político. El artículo muestra cómo las organizaciones feministas abrieron el camino de La Habana, sede de las negociaciones, a las organizaciones que trabajan por los derechos LGBT. Muestra también el lugar que ocupan hoy las iglesias y partidos ...

International audience ; The subject of the article is sexual diversity in Colombia's peace process. Although this topic's significance is acknowledged in the debate previous to the October 2016 " peace referendum " , rejected by a narrow majority of Colombians, there are divergences on the sense of this rejection. In this article, we argue that the " gender " question was not a manipulation lead by FARC's opponents, as it is often told. Instead, we believe that this is a structural variable in the country's political and social life, and that it will have an increasingly relevant role in the public debate. The article points out how feminist organizations showed other organizations working LGBT's issues the way to Havana, where the peace negotiations took place. It also shows the place held today by Catholic and Evangelical churches and parties, as well as the role played by the sexual minorities human rights defense organizations. It also analyzes the complex issues that arise when the FARC must count on these organizations as allies, even more so if we take into account that this very guerrilla can be questioned for sexist and homophobic actions. Finally, the article showcases why the subjects of "gender" and "sexual diversity" will be subversive in the coming years political and social debate in Colombia. ; Este articulo trata sobre la diversidad sexual en el proceso de paz en Colombia. Aunque se reconoce el peso de este tema en el debate del referendo de octubre de 2016, rechazado por una estrecha mayoría, difieren las interpretaciones sobre su significado. En este artículo planteamos que el tema del " género " no fue una manipulación de los sectores opuestos a las Farc: es una variable estructural en la vida del país y tendrá importancia cada vez mayor en el debate político. El artículo muestra cómo las organizaciones feministas abrieron el camino de La Habana, sede de las negociaciones, a las organizaciones que trabajan por los derechos LGBT. Muestra también el lugar que ocupan hoy las iglesias y partidos ...

International audience ; The subject of the article is sexual diversity in Colombia's peace process. Although this topic's significance is acknowledged in the debate previous to the October 2016 " peace referendum " , rejected by a narrow majority of Colombians, there are divergences on the sense of this rejection. In this article, we argue that the " gender " question was not a manipulation lead by FARC's opponents, as it is often told. Instead, we believe that this is a structural variable in the country's political and social life, and that it will have an increasingly relevant role in the public debate. The article points out how feminist organizations showed other organizations working LGBT's issues the way to Havana, where the peace negotiations took place. It also shows the place held today by Catholic and Evangelical churches and parties, as well as the role played by the sexual minorities human rights defense organizations. It also analyzes the complex issues that arise when the FARC must count on these organizations as allies, even more so if we take into account that this very guerrilla can be questioned for sexist and homophobic actions. Finally, the article showcases why the subjects of "gender" and "sexual diversity" will be subversive in the coming years political and social debate in Colombia. ; Este articulo trata sobre la diversidad sexual en el proceso de paz en Colombia. Aunque se reconoce el peso de este tema en el debate del referendo de octubre de 2016, rechazado por una estrecha mayoría, difieren las interpretaciones sobre su significado. En este artículo planteamos que el tema del " género " no fue una manipulación de los sectores opuestos a las Farc: es una variable estructural en la vida del país y tendrá importancia cada vez mayor en el debate político. El artículo muestra cómo las organizaciones feministas abrieron el camino de La Habana, sede de las negociaciones, a las organizaciones que trabajan por los derechos LGBT. Muestra también el lugar que ocupan hoy las iglesias y partidos ...

International audience ; Homicidal violence is responsible for the death of thousands of individuals, daily. In manyLatin American countries, it is the first cause of mortality for young males. This articleshows that homicidal violence had grown consistently across the continent under neoliberalglobalization. We argue that policies central to globalization have weakened societies, leadingto sharp increases in homicidal violence. This article reviews specialized data and explorestwo globalization policies that tend to disturb social structures: drug control, migration control,and free trade. ; La violencia homicida individual golpea el día a día de miles de personas : en muchospaíses de América latina, es la primera causa de mortalidad entre los hombres jóvenes. Esteartículo muestra que la violencia homicida se ha incrementado de forma sostenida en estecontinente en el período de la mundialización neoliberal. Sostenemos que políticas centralesde la mundialización han fragilizado la sociedad, y que en América latina este fenómenosse ha traducido en el fuerte aumento de la violencia homicida.Tras llevar a cabo un examende fuentes especializadas, el artículo analiza dos políticas centrales de la mundialización queinciden en la desestructuración social : la política de drogas y la política de libre comercio ycontrol migratorio. ; La violence homicide affecte de larges couches de la population en Amérique latine. Ainsi,dans plusieurs pays de ce sous-continent, la violence homicide est la première cause demortalité chez les hommes jeunes. A partir de l'exploration des bases de données spécialisées,cet article montre que celle-ci a remarquablement augmenté durant les dernières trente cinqannées, lesquelles correspondent à la période de la mondialisation néolibérale. Dans cet article,nous montrons comment des politiques centrales de la mondialisation ont fragilisé la sociétéen Amérique latine, et comment cette situation se traduit dans une augmentation de la violencehomicide. Après un examen rigoureux des bases de ...

International audience ; Homicidal violence is responsible for the death of thousands of individuals, daily. In manyLatin American countries, it is the first cause of mortality for young males. This articleshows that homicidal violence had grown consistently across the continent under neoliberalglobalization. We argue that policies central to globalization have weakened societies, leadingto sharp increases in homicidal violence. This article reviews specialized data and explorestwo globalization policies that tend to disturb social structures: drug control, migration control,and free trade. ; La violencia homicida individual golpea el día a día de miles de personas : en muchospaíses de América latina, es la primera causa de mortalidad entre los hombres jóvenes. Esteartículo muestra que la violencia homicida se ha incrementado de forma sostenida en estecontinente en el período de la mundialización neoliberal. Sostenemos que políticas centralesde la mundialización han fragilizado la sociedad, y que en América latina este fenómenosse ha traducido en el fuerte aumento de la violencia homicida.Tras llevar a cabo un examende fuentes especializadas, el artículo analiza dos políticas centrales de la mundialización queinciden en la desestructuración social : la política de drogas y la política de libre comercio ycontrol migratorio. ; La violence homicide affecte de larges couches de la population en Amérique latine. Ainsi,dans plusieurs pays de ce sous-continent, la violence homicide est la première cause demortalité chez les hommes jeunes. A partir de l'exploration des bases de données spécialisées,cet article montre que celle-ci a remarquablement augmenté durant les dernières trente cinqannées, lesquelles correspondent à la période de la mondialisation néolibérale. Dans cet article,nous montrons comment des politiques centrales de la mondialisation ont fragilisé la sociétéen Amérique latine, et comment cette situation se traduit dans une augmentation de la violencehomicide. Après un examen rigoureux des bases de ...