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In the last fifty years, many of the institutional and societal barriers keeping Canadian women from public office have disappeared. Yet today, women hold only a quarter of the seats in the House of Commons - a proportion that rose by just seven percentage points between 1993 and 2011. In this illuminating study, Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant examines a significant obstacle still facing women in political life: gendered media coverage. Based on interviews with MPs and party leaders, and on an analysis of print and television media in the 2000 and 2006 federal elections, Gendered News reveals an unsettling climate that affects the success of women in office, and that could deter them from running at all. -- Publisher website

Adapted from the source document.

Still Counting: Women in Politics Across Canada, Linda Trimble and
Jane Arscott, Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2003. pp. xvi, 210Numbers matter. This is Trimble and Arscott's fundamental
message. The ratio of women in elected and appointed political posts to
their proportion in the population at large is a measure of fairness in
political representation that has obvious implications for women's
impact on political processes and policy outcomes. Although Canadian in
perspective, the authors draw international comparisons where appropriate
and find Canada rather lacking. Perennial under-representation, despite
marked improvements over the past three decades, is an evident problem and
an issue worthy of investigation.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- CONTENTS -- Acknowledgements -- Biographies -- Introduction Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant and Kyle Hanniman -- GENERAL ASSESSMENTS -- 1 Federalism Reform and Democratic Renewal for a Country Based on Incomplete Conquests -- 2 Canadian Federalism, Democracy, and Political Legitimacy -- DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS -- 3 Notwithstanding the Charter: Does Section 33 Accommodate Federalism? -- 4 The Challenge of Modernizing an Upper Chamber of a Federal Parliament in a Constitutional Monarchy: The Senate of Canada in the Twenty-first Century -- 5 The Perils and Paranoia of Senate Reform: Does Senate Independence Threaten Canadian Democracy? -- 6 Competing Diversities: Representing "Canada" on the Supreme Court -- 7 Who Participated? Examining Citizen Participation in Electoral Reform -- 8 Normative Justifications for Democratic Design: The Case of Canadian Electoral Reform -- 9 The Federalist Case for Electoral Reform in Canada -- FEDERALISM FOR DIVERSITY: FRENCH AND ENGLISH -- 10 Policy on Québec Affirmation and Canadian Relations -- 11 Federalism "Plus"? Carving a Space of Non-Territorial Autonomy in a Federal State: The Case of Official-Language Minorities in Canada -- FEDERALISM FOR DIVERSITY: INDIGENOUS GOVERNANCE -- 12 Beyond Crown Sovereignty: Good Governance and Treaty Constitutionalism -- 13 Nation Tables and the BCTC Tic-Tac-Toe? -- INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS -- 14 Imagining Canada: Narratives of Federalism in Intergovernmental Organizations -- 15 The Politics of Federal-Local Intergovernmental Relations in Canada.

Introduction -- Visibility in the News -- Quality of News Coverage -- Who Is Responsible? Explaining Gendered News -- Backlash or Boost? The Effects of Attack-Style News -- Media Effects on Politicians' Experiences of Their Political Careers -- Conclusion -- Appendix 1 Issue Coding -- Appendix 2 Coding for CES and Media Reception Study.

AbstractResearch has long observed the absence of gender in child care policy, media, and elections. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has invoked critical questions about child care and its importance to states' economic recoveries around the world. In this research note, we analyze news coverage of child care in major Canadian daily newspapers to explore whether and how news narratives regarding child care are shifting in light of the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, are we seeing a focus on women and gender in child care coverage amid the compounding pressures that women face in the current social and economic climate? The results of our analysis suggest that the pandemic has not shifted the conversation on child care and that current coverage principally reflects long-standing trends in child care framing. We find that gender remains systematically written out of coverage of child care, occluded by a larger focus on health-, economic-, and accessibility-related concerns about child care services.

AbstractWe know how sex (rather than gender) structures political preferences, but researchers rarely take into account the salience or importance of gender identity at the individual level. The only similar variable for which salience is commonly taken seriously is partisanship, for which direction and importance or strength are both considered imperative for measurement and analysis. While some scholars have begun to look at factors that may influence intragroup differences, such as feminism (Conover, 1988), most existing research implicitly assumes gender salience is homogenous in the population. We argue that both the content of gender identity (that is, what specifically is gender identity, as opposed to sex) as well its salience should be incorporated into analyses of how gender structures political behaviour. For some, gender simply does not motivate behaviour, and the fact that salience moderates the impact of gender on behaviour requires researchers to model accordingly. Using original data from six provincial election studies, we examine a measure of gender identity salience and find that it clarifies our understanding of gender's impact on political attitudes.