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Two giants of American philanthropy, the Rockefeller and Ford foundations, have had a complicated history in South Asia. The sources are considerable, but mainly on the grant-giver side, with little attention to the impact of the grants. The Rockefeller Foundation started its grants to India in 1916 and through 1947 worked mainly in the field of medicine. Later it broadened its interests to include agriculture and humanities. It curtailed most of its India interest in 1973. The Ford Foundation entered India in the 1950s. Douglas Ensminger, its representative, became the most powerful foreign representative of the foundation, calling himself a "change agent" and enjoying unusual access to Prime Minister Nehru. He presided over the expansion of Ford Foundation technical assistance, with over 100 foreigners working for it in India by 1970. Thereafter it decided to cut the number of foreigners working in India and change its mode of operation to one of grant giver. The golden age of the foundations was in the 1950s and 1960s, when they played a most important role; thereafter significant changes occurred.

Discusses the complicated history of the Rockefeller & Ford foundations in South Asia. The Rockefeller Foundation started its grants to India in 1916 &, through 1947, worked mainly in the field of medicine, later including agriculture & humanities. It curtailed most of its India interest in 1973. The Ford Foundation entered India in the 1950s. Douglas Ensminger, its representative, became the most powerful foreign representative of the foundation, calling himself a "change agent" & enjoying unusual access to Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. He presided over the expansion of Ford Foundation technical assistance, but after 1970, the foundation changed its mode of operation to one of grant giver. Adapted from the source document.

In the years immediately following the 1967 racial disorder crisis in Detroit, there existed between black and white community leadership ideological and policy polarization. Over the next decade such polarization transformed itself into a nonideological pragmatic accommodationist orientation. This analysis draws on Turner's emergent norm theory to interpret stages evident in the normative shift in black and white leadership attitudes and behaviors within a context of continuing stressful city conditions. Employing a combination of decisional, functional, and positional selection criteria, 14 black and 22 white community leaders were periodically interviewed and observed between 1968 and 1980. As posited in emergent norm theory, the crystallization and recrystallization of norms held by black and white community leaders involved multiple competing leadership ideas before a dominant norm emerged. While there are signs that a possible new emergent norm stage of repolarization may be developing, this analysis focuses on the interactionist process that resulted in a shift from interracial community leadership confrontation toward policy and pragmatic cooperation for a period of over a decade.

The birth of Bangladesh has led to reconsideration of Bengali ethnic & national identity. In the nineteenth century the Muslim elite did not consider itself Bengali, & regarded Bengali-speaking Muslims as more Hindu than Muslim. The decision to partition Bengal was made by the British Raj, & led to an intensification of national feeling in Bengali Muslims. During the last decade of British rule both Hindus & Muslims sought to produce a united & independent Bengal, but these efforts failed with the India-Pakistan division. This result has not solved the identity problem for Bengalis, but rather has internationalized it. Recognition of the unity of interests in Bengal is the best hope for this area. W. H. Stoddard.