1. Introduction : community and conflict in South Asia -- 2. Building spheres of community : 1860s-1910s -- 3. Transforming spheres of community : the post-First World War colonial world -- 4. Defining spheres of community : society, religious mobilisation and anti-colonialism -- 5. State transformation, democracy and conflict : high politics and the everyday in the 1940s -- 6. Forging national consensus and containing pluralism : South Asian states between 1947 and 1967 -- 7. New conflicts and old rivalries : the 1970s and 1980s -- 8. The resurgence of communalism? : 1990 to the 2000s
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Administrative power and public morality : hierarchy and corruption in late colonial and early independent UP -- Religion, caste, and government servant recruitment, 1920s-1950s -- Imagining corruption : languages and symbolism in administrative and police power in north India -- The rise of anti-corruption : government servants and 'citizens', 1940-1952 -- The bureaucracy, police, and political change : maintaining the 'steel frame' in the 1950s and 1960s.
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Die folgenden Links führen aus den jeweiligen lokalen Bibliotheken zum Volltext:
Offering a fresh approach to the issue of government and administrative corruption through 'everyday' citizen interactions with the state, this book explores changing discourses and practices of corruption in late colonial and early independent Uttar P.
Durante las décadas de 1930 y 1940 en Uttar Pradesh los debates sobre la primacía del hindi o el urdu como la lengua oficial, 'nacional' se solapaban en gran parte con el enfrentamiento entre hindúes y musulmanes. Atendiendo a la postura que adoptó la 'izquierda' del Partido del Congreso, vemos que la relación entre lengua e identidad religiosa es bastante compleja y en ocasiones paradójica. En este artículo exploramos cómo las características de sendos idiomas se asociaban a determinado comportamiento social y político y cómo de esa correlación de fuerzas surgió la hegemonía del hindi. ; In 1930s and 1940s Uttar Pradesh, the question of the relationship between Hindi and Urdu in debates about a possible 'national' language has been widely assumed to interface with a politics of communal antagonism between Hindus and Muslims. However, the politics of figures on the 'left' of the Congress in this period suggest that the role of language in relation to religious antagonism was complex and sometimes paradoxical. We will explore the ways in which characteristics of the two languages were associated with particular forms of social and political behaviour, and how these associations between language and behaviour came to characterise the rise of Hindi.
AbstractBuilding on recent work on the 'everyday state' and citizenship in 1947–1948, this paper examines changing practices and representations of 'corruption' in Uttar Pradesh, India over independence. The management and publicity of 'corruption', particularly in the food supply and rationing bureaucracy from the mid-1940s to the 1960s captures changing discussions about public expectations of government and narrates everyday urban experiences of the local state. Representations of administrative corruption within UP government 'anti-corruption' planning, around the late 1930s to early 1940s, reflected changing ideas about the public and citizenship in UP in general—from a colonial stress on administrative authoritarianism, where corruption was presented as a regrettable but unavoidable facet of local power, to a sense of public accountability. By the 1940s, with war-time commodity controls accompanying rapid political change, opportunities for nefarious gain widened, and administrative rules and functions quickly became much more complex. 'Corruption', as a symbolic political weapon, was publicized in a way which now connected national, state and local level discussions of independence, citizenship and state authority. Specifically, the very nature of different types of corruption in the crucial sphere of controls and rationing brought about more developed forms of political protection and backing for the corrupt administrator and encouraged new clientelist networks across the political spectrum.