The review of Vladimir Gorbulin's book "How Russia Will Defeat in the War of the Future" analyzes the main theoretical and practical tasks set by the author before the Ukrainian state and society, aimed at overcoming such a strong and extremely dangerous enemy for independent Ukraine as Putin's Russia. Academician Gorbulin's book immediately became a bestseller in Ukraine and gained notoriety abroad. It is one of the most serious studies of the problems facing the Ukrainian state and nation today, as well as a de facto "road map" for Ukraine in the war against Russia, which can create conditions for victory and independence and freedom from the sinister aggressor - the Kremlin neo-empire.
The article examines Putinism as the main conflict-causing factor in the life of the modern Ukrainian community and state. The author analyzed the necessary methods and measures to combat this threat to the existence of an independent Ukrainian state and an independent nation. Based on the study of the latest domestic and foreign analytics and scientific works, the most effective ways of opposing the Putin regime of the Kremlin's newest empire have been identified. It is noted that modern world scientific and popular science analytics is actively engaged in the problems of Putinism, including issues of combating this dangerous phenomenon for the world. The logical conclusions that emerge from these studies are the need for a practical transformation of the "outdated" model of statehood that Putin's Russia is today. Modern Ukraine is a real front in the fight against Putinism, so it should first of all take care of the strategic and tactical directions of the fight against a dangerous enemy. The author emphasizes the need to consolidate the Ukrainian nation around common values: independence, autonomy, freedom, European choice. The article concludes that the joint work of the whole nation to create a civilized, successful country in the political, economic, cultural dimension is needed. In the mass consciousness of Ukrainians, a decisive and unequivocal focus on victory in the war with the Russian aggressor must prevail. Ukraine needs to carry out constant serious analytical and scientific work to study Putinism as a phenomenon. Of great importance for the fight against Putinism is the active defense of the rightness of one's own position in the internal and external arena; struggle against capitulatory sentiments in the middle of Ukrainian society; educating young people in the spirit of Ukrainian effective patriotism; fight against internal problems-threats: corruption, betrayal, irresponsibility of elites, etc.
The article is devoted to the consideration of the methodological problem of modern scientific humanitarian discourse in Ukraine - the relationship between the concepts of "Ukrainian philosophy" / "philosophy in Ukraine" in the days of the USSR. Based on a brief historical digression on the history of the philosophical process in Ukraine and the Diaspora, the author shows how difficult it is to assign certain philosophical theories, ideas and figures of thinkers to one of these categories. The article analyzes the existing developments on this issue, as well as proposes the author's version of its solution. It is also proposed to focus on the approach developed by Vilen Horsky in addressing the issue of correlating the concepts of "Ukrainian philosophy" / "philosophy in Ukraine" in the days of the USSR. The conclusions emphasize that, despite the fact that the issue of "Ukrainian philosophy" / "philosophy in Ukraine" of the Soviet period is in some way set out and resolved even at the level of philosophy textbooks, it still remains open. But, obviously, we will never have a "final and irreversible" solution to this dilemma, in part because of a certain conditionality of such a division, which still makes sense as a symbolic definition of extreme positions in the development of philosophy in these lands in the USSR, as well as the whole humanitarian culture in general. As for the search for criteria for assigning a certain phenomenon or figure to Ukrainian philosophy, it should certainly continue, taking into account the principle of correlation of a number of criteria that will ultimately assess a certain philosophical phenomenon as a whole in terms of expanding the Ukrainian cultural circle through deepening its selfreflection.
The specificity of Putinism as a phenomenon of the modern age is analyzed in this article. It is emphasized that the analysis of Putinism as a phenomenon and as a process is of theoretical and practical importance for contemporary Ukrainian and the world at whole. This is due to a variety of reasons. The most serious of these is the real threat of the Third World War as a result of the redistribution of borders and zones of influence that can be unleashed by the Putin regime, provoking global conflict. Attention is drawn to the term "Putinism" of scientific significance. It is stated that several years ago, the scientific environment of Ukraine and abroad debated whether it was possible to use the term "Putinism" in scientific texts, or whether it was just a popular journalistic cliché. This term was first used in 2000 by Andrei Piontkovsky, defining "Putinism as the highest stage of bandit capital in Russia" in the eponymous article. At the same time, journalist Richard Gwynn started using it in English. Today there is already a corpus of scientific texts that proves the validity of the use of this concept in scientific analytics, as one that describes a really existing phenomenon. Attention is drawn to the differences in the interpretation of this concept in English, Ukrainian and Russian segments of Wikipedia. Sources that look at the phenomenon of Putinism from the exact opposite are used. It is argued that today, Putinism must be regarded as a phenomenon of global importance, the specificity of which is the desire for world domination. Special attention is paid to the role of Ukraine and the plans of the Kremlin neo-empire to destruction of Ukrainian independence and authenticity. It is concluded that Putinism today has become a conflicting factor of world importance, the most pressing challenge for the West and the most serious threat to sovereign Ukraine.
The real Ukrainian situation connected with creation of projects of the future of the country during all previous years of the newest Ukrainian independence has been analyzed. It is indicated on the process of developing projects of the common future of Ukraine as one of the consolidating community of factors. The emphasis is on the specificity of the formation of joint future projects in the post-colonial (transition) period. This is a characteristic of the four main, according to the author, the projects of the Ukrainian future, which had a public response during the post-Soviet period of Ukraine's development. Among them: 1. Ukraine becomes a full member of the European Union, overcoming the final defects of the postcolonial period of its own existence and becoming a civilized European modern, democratic, independent social state. 2. Ukraine becomes part of the new Kremlin Empire and part of the "Russian world". 3. Ukraine focuses only on its own strength, becomes independent of the East and West and is not part of any more global alliances. 4. Ukraine goes to Europe together with democratic Russia. The article notes the utopia of the project of building a democratic Russia. It is concluded that the desirable short-term future for Ukraine should be its actual entry into the European Union as a full member of this community; joining NATO and victory in the war with the Russian aggressor as a condition for a guaranteed future; the cultural and intellectual prosperity of a country with an effective economy, democratic principles of politics and mass creativity of its citizens-actors of creating a dream-like future and ways to build a European state and nation. Over the projects of the future of Ukraine, we need to work constantly and seriously on all the intellectual forces of the country, in order not to again make all the people victims of others and their own unsuccessful experiments and criminal utopias.
The article explores the problem of the ideology of Putinism. It draws attention to the fact that in modern analytical texts about the phenomenon of Putinism, the dispute between scholars has shifted toward clarifying its ideological foundations. A few years ago, an intense scientific debate about the correctness of usage of the term "Putinism" itself took place. The authors investigate the current analytical publications on the ideological foundations of Putinism. The article points out the divergence of views of researchers on the existence of state ideological doctrine developed in the current Kremlin regime. The purpose of this article is defined as proving the fact that Putinism is not only a practical but also an ideological phenomenon of our age. The authors conclude that the ideology of Putinism exists. It seems convincing to consider Putinism as an ideological doctrine of the hybrid type, the general characteristic of which can be defined as neo-imperialism of the autocratic type with the elements of totalitarianism, "assembled" from a set of different doctrines of the past and present. Among them: Pan-Slavism, Russo-Centrism, Eurasianism and Neo-Eurasianism, Duginism (ideologically extremely close to the ideology of the Third Reich and the ideologists of the German "conservative revolution" at the same time, according to L. Lux), Messianism, Isolationism, Anti-Westernism and Anti-Americanism, Neo-Stalinism, Orthodox Fundamentalism, the role of the strong leader. Putinism as a neo-imperialist ideology is in line with the Kremlin's practice, beginning with Putin's rise to power when neo-colonial wars began on the perimeter of the former Soviet empire. It is partly orientated to suppress internal separatist movements, as it was in the case of Chechnya and partly to attempts to "gathering lands" as in the case of Georgia and now – of Ukraine.
The problem of emigration to Ukraine of a significant number of Belarusian citizens due to the events of the Belarusian anti-Lukashenko revolution of dignity and freedom, which began in this country in August 2020 after the presidential election, is discussed in the article. It is noted that at the beginning of 2021 the number of those who fled to Ukraine, hiding from repression and persecution by the Belarusian authorities, was already more than 75 thousand people. In the future, the number of Belarusian refugees is projected to increase to 100-120 thousand people by 2021. It is unknown yet which of these people will join the Belarusian Diaspora in Ukraine, which before these events was the second largest Diaspora in Ukraine. And who considers Ukraine only as a territory of transit further to the East, or the West, for example, to Poland. In connection with these events, the Ukrainian state and society faced a series of challenges, problems and threats, to which it will be necessary to find adequate answers. In particular, the authors of the article consider unjustified some warnings expressed by patriotic Ukrainian citizens about the possible growth of pro-Russian sentiment in Ukraine due to the arrival and settlement of Belarusian refugees here. It seems logical that people with pro-Russian sentiments would rather immigrate to Russia than come to Ukraine. It is expected that a significant problem for the newly arrived Belarusians may be the understanding and establishment of dialogue and contacts with the "old" Belarusian Diaspora in Ukraine because of its commitment to Lukashenko and sympathy for Russia. It is concluded that Belarusian citizens, active participants in the Belarusian revolution, can become a useful enzyme for accelerating the reform processes in Ukraine and will contribute to further democratic and pro-European movement in this area.
Ukraine's Euro-civilization choice, which took place as a result of the Revolution of Dignity, posed a number of challenges to Ukrainian society, without adequate answers to which EU accession will remain a ratherdistant prospect for Ukrainians. One of such challenges is the genderization of the social life of Ukrainians, in particular in the field of education, which presupposes, first of all, the formation of a gender-sensitive space for the existence of the country's citizens; mass involvement of Ukrainian women in all spheres of society on an equal footing with men and the creation of equal opportunities for this. The philosophy of this process is to recognize as the greatest value of human capital, existing in the form of two social sexes (gender) - female and male - with different life experiences, differences and personal strategies of self-realization. The article analyzes, among other, the issue of teaching feminist and (or) gender issues in higher educational institutions of modern Ukraine from the standpoint of philosophical and worldview approach. The author aim is to investigate the real state of gender education in Ukrainian higher education institutions, to analyze the existing problems and identify prospects for the development of this process in Ukraine. A group of political science students from the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv was involved in an in-depth survey of the need / no need to teach feminist and gender issues in universities. It was concluded that exist the need of genderization higher education in Ukraine as an integral part of the Euro-integration process.
The Author analyzes the role of Ukrainian women in the war with the Russian aggressor. Attention is focused on the gender dimension of modern warfare, including in the context of NATO"s political principles on gender issues. It is noted that this war also has a "female face", as was said, for example, by the first lady of Ukraine, Olena Zelenska. Today, 17% of the Ukrainian Armed Forces are women. All of them in the army of Ukraine even before this war were 23% of the total number of personnel. More than 1,000 female servicemen became commanders. Today, Ukraine remains a NATO partner country, therefore compliance with provisions 1325, 1820, 1888, 1889, 1960, 2106, 2122, 2422, 2467 and 2493 of the UN Security Council Resolution on women, peace and security, which are the basis of gender policy as a United Nations, as well as NATO, is not canceled. It is noted that a number of military professions (sharpshooters, scouts, hospitalists) are more successfully performed by women, as the experience of the Second World War and NATO military operations proved. The life strategies of not only combatants, but also non-combatants are analyzed. Attention is also paid to such an irritating topic as the participation of women in the fight against Ukraine on the side of the separatists in ORDLO. Examples of the participation of women in Ukrainian territories in military operations in historical times are also given. The modern civilized world perceived with great surprise and amazement the ability of Ukrainians to resist the aggressor. The foreign press is actively searching for the roots of courage, dignity and stability of the Ukrainian people. As for Ukrainian women, it will not be superfluous to turn to the historical past, which has many heroic pages that will help to understand the truth about the Ukrainian people. The article concludes that gender consolidation, mutual respect and understanding of women and men fighting together against the Rashism will only contribute to the movement towards Ukraine"s victory in the war against the Russian aggressor.
The objective of the study is to comprehensively analyze the methods of intercultural mapping of communities as a tool for the municipal management of a multiethnic urban community and, thus, determine their effectiveness for the active construction of intercultural practices and reformatting of the urban culture space. The Intercultural Mapping Methodology, developed by the Council of Europe's Intercultural Cities Programme, includes tools such as the Intercultural Cities Index and the Intercultural Citizenship Test, as well as sociological and focus group studies, which further involve a wide range of active residents that identify tangible cultural and intangible values in cities. The use of this technique by the intercultural community of the Ukrainian city of Melitopol has proven its effectiveness as a mechanism to involve representatives of ethnic groups in cooperation with the municipal authorities for the joint development of the city's cultural policy. It is concluded that a comprehensive analysis of the results of the study allowed to determine the priorities and strategies of its development, cultural and creative resources of the territorial community, creating conditions and new opportunities for a dynamic, inclusive and democratic intercultural society.
The ethnocultural activity of the Russian diaspora in Ukraine is analyzed in this article. The analysis shows that the political component is decisive in the activities of most pro-Russian NGOs and some members of the Russian diaspora in Ukraine. It was found that the ethnocultural activity of the numerous Russian diaspora organizations created in Ukraine by the Russian authorities, declared in normative legal documents, actually serves as a kind of "umbrella" to cover their political work among the general Ukrainian community. At the same time, their "ethnoculturalism" is filled with the ideology of Russian chauvinism, great power and anti-Ukrainianism. Given the crisis, which covered all spheres of Russian public life and lost its total influence on Ukraine, and, consequently, the possibility of restoring the neo-empire, the ruling elite of the Kremlin has high hopes for the so-called soft power - the large Russian diaspora in Ukraine. The activities of "professional Russians" serve as an official cover not only for their own funding, but also for many other Russian-language cultural and educational institutions in all regions of Ukraine. One of the "significant results" of the so-called ethnocultural activities of Russian diaspora organizations in Ukraine have been and continue to be their active support for the occupation of Crimea in 2014 and military aggression in ORDLO, processing the mass consciousness of the population, especially south and east of Ukraine on the alleged deployment of civil conflict in the country on Eastern Ukraine. The idea of Crimea as "originally Russian territory" is also being actively planted. These Pyrrhic victories are a clear indication of Russia's imperial encroachments on the territory of neighboring states. However, they are doomed to inevitable defeat in pursuing a decisive and sensible policy on the part of the Ukrainian state and the country's civil society, as well as the politicized ethnocultural activities of the Russian diaspora in Ukraine.
The review of the book "Men about Feminism" by two world-famous feminists Michael Kaufman and Michael Kimmel discusses the main ideas of this work. The review shows the motives that prompted two very selfsufficient researchers and activists to fight for gender equality and violence against women around the world to resort to the "collective defense" of feminism as a theory and practice, as a worldview of the modern world. of feminism as a theory and practice, as a worldview of the modern world. The authors prove the "naturalness" of the emergence and development of the feminist movement, especially in democratic countries, focused on man as a value and the protection of his rights as one of the main tasks of the modern state. The book focuses mainly on the male half of the community and proves the "benefits" of the feminist movement for both women and men.
In the information space of modern Ukraine, in fact, since the first months of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation in 2022 on the territory of the country, the concept of "female face of war" has been established in the characterization of this war. Nobel laureate S. Aleksievich's book "The War Does Not Have a Female Face is important for conducting a comparative analysis of the experiences of women front-line soldiers during the Second World War and the current Ukrainian-Russian wars. The idea of the book does not contradict the understanding of war as "female", which is highlighted in the text of this intelligence. Soviet historians actually did not take into account the testimonies of women front-line soldiers, which is why the war with German fascism did not have a "female face". It did not appear in the stories of the combatants. It is in this sense that the title of Svitlana Aleksievich's book "The War Does Not Have a Female Face" should be interpreted. The purpose of this intelligence is to conduct an analysis of what happens to women in war and whether there are gender specifics in such events. Within the framework of the announced task, the issue of the "female/non-female face" of war is also resolved. The experience accumulated by the Ukrainian society in the fight against the Russian aggressor during the previous 8 years of the hybrid war and during the period of the full-scale invasion of the territory of Ukraine from February 24, 2022, showed that this war also has a "female face". The gender specificity of experiencing war exists; however, it is not of decisive importance for practical actions in the struggle for freedom and independence. Nevertheless, the study of all the characteristics of this war is an indispensable condition for the creation of a coherent scientifically based picture of this historical event and its truthful coverage. Such intelligence is also important for assessing the prospects of female leadership in Ukraine, in particular, the military.
The article examines the phenomenon of non-institutional Ukrainian philosophy of the 60-80s of the twentieth century and the existence of a conflict between it and the official Soviet ideology. In Ukraine at the beginning of the XXI century, there is a tendency to attribute the beginning of Ukrainian philosophy to about the 90s of the last century. This is incorrect for many reasons, in particular: 1) already in the 20s of the twentieth century. Ukrainian professional philosophy existed as a completely independent and quite original phenomenon; 2) institutional philosophy in Ukraine after the mid-50's is actively revived and reaches a serious level, often commensurate with European and world philosophical thought of the time in general; 3) in the country after the "Khrushchev thaw" there is an interesting phenomenon - non-institutional philosophy, which presents a conflict with both institutionalized professional philosophy and the official Soviet ideology, which brings its representatives to new frontiers of thought, which failed to rise to official representatives philosophy due to caution or inability to rise to such a level of philosophizing. Non-institutional philosophy in Ukraine often reached the level of dissent, manifesting itself through samizdat and foreign publications. The main conflict of non-institutional philosophy in the USSR at that time was with the state Soviet ideology and propaganda. It is concluded that the Ukrainian philosophy of the period 1960-80s developed in two directions: as an institutional and as a non-institutional philosophy. Non-institutional non-academic philosophy is characterized by the richness and diversity of individual pursuits of a number of prominent representatives of Ukrainian culture and is an original and integral part of modern Ukrainian philosophy, deserving of attention and special research.
The article analyzes the role of Ukrainian elites in the light of the problem and philosophy of subjectivity. Attention is focused on the specifics of this moment in the existence of the Ukrainian state and nation, which are waging a fierce struggle for their own freedom and survival in the war with the Russian fascist regime. It is emphasized that subjectivity in modern scientific discourse means the level of independence and independence from external factors of the country, its self -sufficiency and independence as an actor of history. From a philosophical point of view, a subject in a broad sense is that or that which/who has agency, i.e. acts on some other entity (object), or has dominion over it. In this case, something/someone is endowed with subjectivity. When defining subjectivity, the emphasis is placed on the country as a unity of the state, nation and community of citizens who inhabit this country. Today, the reality is that as a result of the heroic resistance of the Ukrainian nation to the aggression of the Russian Federation, the status of Ukraine as an actor in history is fundamentally changing. She turned into a leader of the free world, becoming a defender of authentic European values, which the modern West, especially Western Europe, has largely destroyed. It is worth agreeing with the statement of the famous political analyst A. Piontkovsky that it is Ukraine today that is saving Europe and the whole world from the plague of rashism and totalitarianism already in the 21st century. Its position is the position of an active subject, the center of reformatting of European politics, which cannot help but influence the entire world today. It is concluded that the activity of Ukrainian-centric elites in Ukraine is a necessary condition for winning the war against the rashist aggressor. In addition, the realities of the war require the actual transformation of all existing elites in the state into Ukrainian-centric ones. The formation of a strong subjectivity of Ukraine also depends on the ability of its elites to adequately respond to the challenges and threats facing the Ukrainian nation. The article is dedicated to the 300th anniversary of the birth of the outstanding Ukrainian philosopher Hryhorii Savych Skovoroda.
