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This book examines the role of the Women's International Defense Federation (WIDF) in transnational women's activism in the context of the Cold War, and in connection to the rights of women from Asia, Africa and Latin America. Combining a global history and postcolonial theory approach, this monograph shines light on an underrepresented organisation and its important role in the Cold War, Twentieth Century women's rights and Soviet history. Questioning whether the organization acted for women's causes or whether it was merely a Cold War political instrument, the book analyzes and problematizes the place that the WIDF had in the politics of the Soviet Union, examining the ideology and politics of the WIDF and state socialist propaganda regarding women's equality and rights. Using Soviet archival documents of the organizations, the book offers a new perspective on the complexities of the development of global women's rights movement divided by the Cold War confrontations.

Soviet Emancipation and Modernization: The "Secondhand Time" -- Imperial politics and the women's question in the beginning of the 20th century (the Volga-Ural region, Muslim women and beyond) -- Revolutions of 1917 and the Bolshevik Reforms of the status of woman -- Informing change: "Total Hopelessness" of the Past and the "Bright Future" of the "Woman of the East" in Soviet Pamphlets -- Everyday Work for Emancipation of Natsionalka :The VTsIK Commission -- Managing the Change -- Documenting" and Visualizing Change in Soviet Silent Films -- Bolshevik emancipation of natsionalka between "East" and "West" -- Soviet Politics of Emancipation in Post-Soviet Present

Feministiskt antikrig motstånd (FAM – feministskoe antivoennoe soprotivlenie) var en av de första nätverken som offentligt visade sin protest mot Rysslands anfall av Ukraina februari 24 2022. Nu, när kriget fortsätter mer än ett år, kan man med säkerhet säga att FAM inte bara fortsätter att vara en av dem mest konsekventa motståndare av kriget, men att den är också en av de mest radikala kritiker av de politiska och kulturella strukturer och värderingar som ligger till grund av ryska expansionismen.
This article is about the Feminist Anti-War Resistance (FAS), a network of activists within and outside Russia united in their support for LGBTQ+ rights and ready to resist the patriarchy and the Russian war on Ukraine. The article explores FAS's ideas and tactics of activism.

AbstractThe primary aim of this article is to problematize the WIDF's interpretations of the rights of women from (post)colonial countries and its tactics in working for and together with these women. It shows that, in the context of rapid geopolitical changes – the growing anti-colonial struggle and Cold War competition – the WIDF had to change its ideology, ways of working, and communication strategies in order to keep its leading position in transnational work for women's rights and to maintain the sympathies of women from countries outside Europe. The main focus is on the contradictions, negotiations, and adjustments inside the WIDF with respect to the new political situation and the demands of women from Africa and Asia, in particular, during the highest period of anticolonial transformation (1950s to early 1970s). This article also pays attention to Soviet ideas on the emancipation of women and, in particular, to the influence of Soviet experiences of emancipating women from non-Slavic (Eastern and Southern) parts of the USSR on the WIDF's perception of and policies for the improvement of the situation of women in Asia and Africa. This article is based primarily on analysis of the WIDF's archival documents preserved in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) in Moscow, along with the WIDF's official publications.

La Federación Democrática Internacional de Mujeres (FDIM) fue fundada en París, en 1945, con el fin de defender la paz y los derechos de las mujeres y, también, crear mejores condiciones para los niños. Frecuentemente, la Federación fue clasificada como una "organización comunista". Con la ayuda de los documentos de los archivos de Moscú (GARF), el artículo demuestra que la participación de las mujeres latinoamericanas en la FDIM y su influencia dependía de muchos factores, inclusive de la dinámica de la Guerra Fría, de sus orientaciones políticas y, también, no menos importante, de su posición respecto a la Unión Soviética y su política exterior. Pero, de hecho, las activistas latinoamericanas no estuvieron de acuerdo con todas las decisiones de la cúpula pro-soviética y exigían cambios en diferentes aspectos de la organización del trabajo.

La Federación Democrática Internacional de Mujeres (FDIM) fue fundada en París, en 1945, con el fin de defender la paz y los derechos de las mujeres y, también, crear mejores condiciones para los niños. Frecuentemente, la Federación fue clasificada como una "organización comunista". Con la ayuda de los documentos de los archivos de Moscú (GARF), el artículo demuestra que la participación de las mujeres latinoamericanas en la FDIM y su influencia dependía de muchos factores, inclusive de la dinámica de la Guerra Fría, de sus orientaciones políticas y, también, no menos importante, de su posición respecto a la Unión Soviética y su política exterior. Pero, de hecho, las activistas latinoamericanas no estuvieron de acuerdo con todas las decisiones de la cúpula pro-soviética y exigían cambios en diferentes aspectos de la organización del trabajo. ; The Women's International Democratic Federation was founded in Paris in 1945 with the aim of defending peace and rights of women and children. Frequently, the Federation was often addressed as a "communist front". With the help of the documents from the archive in Moscow (GARF) this article shows that the participation of women and organizations from the Latin American countries in the WIDF depended on different factors including the dynamics of the Cold War, their political orientation and their position with respect to the Soviet Union and its foreign policy. But it shows that the female activists from Latin America did not agree with all the political decisions of the pro-Soviet leadership of the WIDF and demanded changes in different aspects of the organization of work in the Federation. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

AbstractThe changes in the public discourse on sex and the sexual self in post-Soviet Russia are usually referred to as a "sexual revolution". However, the fast rejection of freedoms with respect to sexual identities, same-sex relationships and withering of the public discussions about intimacies and sex-education already in the early 2000s requires closer look at discourses of the "sexual revolution" of the 1990s in Russia in order to understand better the character of this rapid change. In this paper I am particularly interested in the discursive dimension and historical implications of the new sexual selves as expressed in the public space in a form of TV-show. The article is analyzing discourses around sexuality and intimacy with focus on two talk-shows broadcasted by the Russian television in the 1990s ("Ya sama" and "Pro eto") and dealing with gender identities, sexualities and intimacies. I show that articulation of the sexual self as a choice that is relatively free from political and material constraints was an important dimension of the public presentation of sexuality. At the same time differences and deviations from the institutionalized and normalized (hetero)sexuality started to be seen as a subject of "personal choice" and "individual responsibility".

The article is dedicated to the study of the cinematographic representations of two early Soviet emancipation projects: the emancipation of women and the emancipation of national minorities. In what ways did these two emancipation projects intersect? How were women of the "dominated" nations addressed and treated in the post-revolutionary years? In order to answer these questions I analyze three newsreels and six thematic films connected to the mentioned topics and produced between the mid-1920s and 1931. Films dealing with the "emancipation" of women not infrequently showed women from different regions, but, in addition to this intra-Soviet perspective on an all-Soviet dimension, I focus on several films dealing with the Volga-Ural region in particular. Soviet films from 1920 to the early 1930s give us more complex and multilateral information about both "emancipations" than do other Soviet documents. At the same time, they show that racialized images of "other" women were frequently used by Soviet filmmakers in order to emphasize the progress of the Soviet modernizing project.