Suchergebnisse

Entgegen der häufig vertretenen Meinung, Staat und Nationalismus behinderten die effiziente Teilnahme am internationalen Handel, argumentiert der Verfasser für die Präsenz des Staates zur Förderung des Gemeinwohls und der internationalen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Statt eines Laissez-faire-Freihandelskapitalismus fordert er, die Unterwanderung des Nationalstaats zu verhindern, um Lohnniveaus stabil zu halten und die wachsende Kluft zwischen Arm und Reich zu überbrücken. Ökonomisch sinnvoll seien diese Forderungen auch deshalb, weil die Steigerung des sozialen Kapitals und die durch eine einende Nation geförderte Netzwerkbildung für wirtschaftlichen Fortschritt unabdingbar seien. Demokratische Legitimität und Rechenschaftsmechanismen können in diesem Zusammenhang zu einer gesellschaftlichen Aufwärtsspirale durch gerechte Umverteilung und ein inklusives Wirtschaftsmodell führen. Derartige Umstrukturierungen bergen jedoch immer die Gefahr, die Gesellschaft in neue Gewinner und Verlierer zu teilen. (ICE2)

While early assessments of neoliberalism stressed its destructiveness, more recent analyses have begun to consider and assess how its consolidation has involved the creation of new institutions and governmentalities to stabilise emergent contradictions and instabilities. This article traces how the social economy has been positioned in the OECD's public policy discourse as a flanking mechanism, and especially the friction in these policy proposals between an "entrepreneurial" vision that attempts to extend market relations and the social capital/social cohesion vision of meeting unmet needs and promoting participation in voluntary organisations. The tension between the entrepreneurial and social capital visions is a recurrent theme in the national case studies canvassed here, with the former frequently crowding out the latter. The article concludes by looking at how the women's movement in Québec, Canada, has attempted to exploit this tension to push policies beyond neoliberalism.

While early assessments of neoliberalism stressed its destructiveness, more recent analyses have begun to consider and assess how its consolidation has involved the creation of new institutions and governmentalities to stabilise emergent contradictions and instabilities. This article traces how the social economy has been positioned in the OECD's public policy discourse as a flanking mechanism, and especially the friction in these policy proposals between an "entrepreneurial" vision that attempts to extend market relations and the social capital/social cohesion vision of meeting unmet needs and promoting participation in voluntary organisations. The tension between the entrepreneurial and social capital visions is a recurrent theme in the national case studies canvassed here, with the former frequently crowding out the latter. The article concludes by looking at how the women's movement in Quebec, Canada, has attempted to exploit this tension to push policies beyond neoliberalism. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract This article develops linkages between two separate fields of research, namely work on post‐industrial welfare states, and work on nonprofit organizations. It pays particular attention to the emphasis on personal services and the "cost disease" hypothesis found in the former, which places strong constraints on improving pay and job quality in the nonprofit sector. At the same time, it argues that the post‐industrial welfare states literature, despite its emphasis on personal services, has largely ignored the significant and growing role of nonprofits in delivering these services, and thus the potential of these organizations to shape their relevant labour markets. This poses the question about the relative weight of productivity‐related wage restraints in personal services versus the capacity for agency by nonprofits. The final section of the paper engages in a critique of the "cost disease" hypothesis to suggest that space exists to improve pay and job quality in nonprofit personal services, despite productivity‐related constraints.

Les études récentes portant sur le patronat québécois avancent que ce dernier a modernisé son discours, passant du néolibéralisme à une concertation et à une coopération positive avec les syndicats et l'État. Ces études suggèrent que le patronat québécois est en train de développer une économie politique distincte du modèle libéral en vigueur ailleurs au Canada. Cet article analyse le discours du Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ) depuis sa création pour évaluer la pertinence de ces arguments. Il conclut que la vision stratégique du CPQ est restée néolibérale depuis le début des années 1980, ce qui suggére la nécessité de la prudence dans la formulation des arguments sur l'exceptionnalisme économique du Québec.Recent studies of the Quebec patronat argue that it has "modernized" its discourse, moving from neo‐liberalism to the embrace of positive‐sum concertation and co‐operation with unions and the State. These studies suggest Quebec's employers' associations are developing a different political economy than the liberal one found in the Rest of Canada. This article assesses these arguments using the discourse of the Conseil du patronat du Québec (CPQ) since its inception. It argues that the CPQ's strategic outlook has remained steadfastly neo‐liberal since the early 1980s, which suggests the need for caution in developing accounts of Quebec's economic exceptionalism.

Malgré leur fréquence, les critiques de l'économie sociale comme solution de rechange progressiste au néo-libéralisme n'ont pas donné lieu à un débat fécond. Les analyses ne tiennent généralement pas compte de l'aspect dynamique de ce projet, dans lequel les acteurs communautaires surmontent les obstacles à mesure qu'ils se présentent, par la mobilisation et l'apprentissage. Or, l'examen de quelques cas présentés comme des réussites démontre que même les initiatives couronnées de « succès » parviennent mal à faire face au défi de créer des emplois de qualité, de rester indépendantes de l'État et de démocratiser le travail. L'économie sociale comme projet dynamique doit donc mieux théoriser l'État et la mobilisation des groupes communautaires face à celui-ci.

English
In rapidly developing policy fields such as that of the social economy, institutions play a central role in delimiting the range of the possible. This article suggests that social democratic policy analysts have given too much attention to the financial and operational autonomy of social economy organisations from the state, and have avoided specifying what sort of new state institutions might allow these organisations to reach their progressive ambitions. The experience of Québec, Canada, is used to illustrate how, in the absence of this institutional programme, existing centres of state power can deflect the social economy in a neoliberal direction.