Suchergebnisse

It is perhaps counter-intuitive to ponder why the extreme right milieu, which regularly espouses violent apocalyptic jeremiads regarding the impending threat to race and nation, has not generated as much violence as it would appear capable of. This article explores this question, using a case study of the British extreme right in the 1990s, a period in which there was violent street conflict with anti-fascist activists. It focusses in particular upon the British National Party, as that organisation sought to become a legitimate political party whilst simultaneously being entangled in violent street confrontations with anti-fascists, on the one hand, and conflict with militants on its own "radical flank" who baulked at the party's new direction, on the other. Specifically, this article explores the role internal rather than external "brakes" might have played in limiting violent escalation in a "scene" in which a certain level of violence was endemic. Utilising the typology of "internal brakes" developed by Busher, Macklin and Holbrook, which highlights five distinct, though often overlapping, "logics" that work to restrain violent escalation, the article discusses the processes that worked to restrain rather than escalate violence. It does so in order to demonstrate how this typology can be used as an analytical tool for conceptualising how the internal restrains on violence might function within other political milieu as well.

Our law recognises two types of loans, namely a loan for use (commodatum) and a loan for consumption (mutuum)'. In a loan for use something is delivered for use by a borrower without reward, and the borrower is obliged to return the same thing he received on loan. For example, a person may lend another person an asset of his, and when the recipient has finished using that asset the identical asset in the same condition as received, is to be returned to the lender. In a loan for consumption one or more units of some fungible thing are delivered to the borrower. The borrower may consume what has been received but is bound to return the same number of units of the type of the thing borrowed. In constrasting a commodatum with a mutuum, it can be seen that a lender ·in the first instance retains ownership of the asset loaned, whereas in the second, ownership is passed to the borrower, who undertakes to repay the loan by delivering things of an identical quality and quantity as those borrowed. Thus, an essential characteristic of a loan of money is that the lender is either the owner of the funds advanced, or is authorised to make the loan by the owner. Once delivery has taken place to the borrower a contract can probably be said to be binding. 2 Thus, a contract of loan cannot be said to be binding by part performance as, in mutuum the only person bound is the person who received a service by the handing over of the money in question.

Die Wahl Donald Trumps zum Präsidenten 2016 war ein Betriebsunfall der amerikanischen Demokratie und wird sich nicht wiederholen, denken viele. Doch bei Trumps vielen Schwächen übersehen seine Kritiker schnell seine unleugbaren Stärken, die ihm im Wahlkampf helfen werden. Und wer Trump 2020 denn schlagen sollte, ist völlig offen. (IP)

Television was a true mass medium, its 'classic' output located within the concerns and lives of ordinary people. Television was also the amphitheatre of the nation, in which great events were played out. As a result of its massive power, regulation was imposed on it. By the 1970s, the unitary power of national channels was beginning to break down, first with the arrival of the VCR, then with satellite and cable. Along with this, came a growing separation of the broadcasting from the creative or programme making function driven by 'independent' producers. This divergence is now being hastened by the end of 'spectrum scarcity'. Creative companies and teams will strive to control their work and share in the rewards of their success in a way that will create a very different kind of entertainment industry in the 21st Century.

A la fin du XIXe siècle et encore au début du XXe siècle, on rencontre l'opinion que le travail des femmes est nuisible à la survie des enfants. Une serie de données concernant 51 villes britanniques pour les années 1911, 1931 et 1951 permet, par une analyse factorielle à deux ou plusieurs variables, d'étudier de près le lien hypothétique formulé ci-dessus. II ressort qu'il existe une forte corrélation positive entre travail féminin et mortalité infantile dans les années 1911 et 1951 et une corrélation encore positive mais beaucoup plus faible en 1931, alors que les autres variables telles que la mortalité génerate, la fécondité et le niveau social s'avérent jouer un rôle majeur dans ce domaine.

The BBC has constantly sought to justify its state support by claiming that it must offer 'public‐service' broadcasting. David Graham (right), of Channel 4′s Diverse Reports, argues that the BBC's position is both a misunderstanding of economic reality and a brake upon the development of consumer choice and diversity in the market. The Government's 'protection of the well‐heeled' imposes 'middle‐class tastes on ordinary men and women'.