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According to several contemporary theorists of cosmopolitanism, the concept of sovereignty – enabling the political authority to be core and head of society – should be overcome. There-fore, juridical and political institutions are to be considered as mere instruments serving goods that count as desirable in specific collectives. The thesis of the paper is that liberty is always "social liberty": the institutions enabling it are not to be added to a prepolitical liberty dimension, on the contrary they are what enables its realization. Such thesis is advanced to endorse the so-called "domestic analogy" in order to overcome anti-statist cosmopolitism objections to the idea that recognizing the equal supremacy of states is part and parcel of everyone rights to freedom respect.

Many recent studies have interpreted the extraterritorialization of migratory controls in the per-spective of the state of exception. The hypothesis suggested in the essay is that border spaces are not regulated areas of void or legal suspension, but the expression of security practices in-cluded in the political guidelines of democratic states. Indeed border areas are not conceived to create a unique and unified barrier between included and excluded, but to grade the system of rights according to circumstances and situations. Therefore, the reorganization of spatial coordinates signals the emergence of a geography of security interweaving governmental approaches, management styles and diversified and flexible protocols, an integral part of the more gen-eral political and legal developments

Migrations reveal several features of the social, political, cultural and symbolical reality of the globalized world. From a purely political point-of-view they touch a raw nerve of liberal democracies: the tension existing between the adherence to the universal values of liberalism and the democratic sovereign's discretion concerning admission policies.Such tension seems to make any commitment in favour of migrant's human rights unrealistic.The present article supports the argument that only the harmonization of migration policies that implies a cooperative and multilateral approach between the involved states can make the mobility practices carried out by they who try to cross their boundaries less dramatic.

The idea that citizenship is the fundamental expression of the right of membership in a territorially defined political system is usually taken for granted, both from common sense and academic theories. In political and social theory, however, is beginning to emerge the idea that citizenship can be projected beyond the borders of the nation-state. This alternative conception has taken different classification: "global citizenship", "transnational citizenship", "post- national citizenship". The thesis of this article is that the proposals of deterritorialization of citizenship represent an aspiration or a goal to reach rather than a fact that is simply to record. Essentially, it is a way to defy the nation-state perspective, according to which the boundaries of the civic community necessarily coincide whit the geographic boundaries of the State.

2009/2010 ; Sino a tempi recenti, la correzione delle diseguaglianze ascrivibili a un'ingiusta distribuzione della ricchezza e delle risorse ha rappresentato la preoccupazione normativa condivisa dalle principali teorie della giustizia sociale. Attualmente, l'attenzione dei filosofi politici sembra rivolgersi a un nuovo di tipo di rivendicazioni, così diffuse da avere occupato una parte sempre più ampia dello spazio pubblico: le "politiche dell'identità". Il riconoscimento di identità collettive a livello pubblico, che dipende dal modo in cui le stesse minoranze hanno ridefinito che cosa significhi essere una minoranza, appare come un "bene" sociale che merita stima e apprezzamento da parte della società nel suo complesso. L'idea che ispira questo lavoro cerca però di dimostrare come non debba essere il carattere distintivo dell'appartenenza identitaria a giustificare le rivendicazioni di riconoscimento, ma come siano piuttosto le rivendicazioni di giustizia ed inclusione a poter (eventualmente) legittimare forme di trattamento differenziato dei gruppi identitari. ; XXIII Ciclo

The point of this essay is that the arguments advanced by thinkers like John Rawls e Michael Ignatieff in favour of a core rights to life and liberty are not consistent with their positions in favour of human rights minimalism. Just the fact that human rights minimalism implies the right to physical security and to basic freedom of movement should lead these philosophers not only to recognize both the importance and the value of other rights, but also to include certain aspects of the sphere of private life and of cultural practice in the field of international law. Human rights, that are going to become popular through international debates, compell us first to reconsider the dichotomy between public and private sphere; second, the dichotomy between social and political interests; third, the necessity of subordinating politics of human right, with no exception, either to prudential and historical convenience (see Ignatieff), or to the observance of pluralism (see Rawls).