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Identity politics have been especially prominent in Canadian political discourse since the hegemonic white Anglophone identity was challenged in the 1970s. However, indigenous identity and nationalism have not received the same attention. In the politics of federalism and constitutional amendment, the contestation of the dominant view of Canada and the advancement of citizen and community identities, rather than provincial identity, was met with bemusement by the gatekeepers of Canadian federal and constitutional processes. In this article I trace some of the complexity of the formation and mobilization of Aboriginal identities in the Canadian context, to raise some theoretical and political problems and possibilities that attend to self determination and decolonisation.

Identity politics have been especially prominent in Canadian political discourse since the hegemonic white Anglophone identity was challenged in the 1970s. However, indigenous identity and nationalism have not received the same attention. In the politics of federalism and constitutional amendment, the contestation of the dominant view of Canada and the advancement of citizen and community identities, rather than provincial identity, was met with bemusement by the gatekeepers of Canadian federal and constitutional processes. In this article I trace some of the complexity of the formation and mobilization of Aboriginal identities in the Canadian context, to raise some theoretical and political problems and possibilities that attend to self determination and decolonisation.

Abstract.In this article, I study the conclusions of Mr. Justice David Wright's report on the inquiry into the death of Neil Stonechild, and discuss the incident in the context of Aboriginal-settler relations in Saskatchewan. I view these exemplars of the racism in Saskatchewan's, and Canada's, political culture. I argue that the processes of colonialism are the impulse for the racist ideology that is now encoded in social, political, economic, academic and cultural institutions and practices, and which functions to maintain the status quo of white dominance. Confronting systemic and institutional racism, and de- and re-constructing political culture, are essential for social health and for the possibility of a post-colonial future. Given Saskatchewan's demographic trajectory, which indicates a majority Aboriginal population in the near future, failure to deal with white racism will guarantee social stresses between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal populations, damaging the province's economic and social viability into the future. Therefore, a proactive, self-reflective, anti-racist policy and a strategy for building public support should be a priority for any Saskatchewan government. Social cohesion, a necessary condition for a healthy citizenship regime and a notion of considerable interest to provincial and federal politicians and to academics, cannot be constructed without tackling racism. I conclude by suggesting that decolonization is the necessary political project to eradicate the kinds of systemic practices that arguably killed Neil Stonechild and others.Résumé.Dans cet article, j'examine les conclusions du rapport de l'enquête du juge David Wright sur la mort de Neil Stonechild. À mon avis, dans le contexte des relations entre Premières Nations et Blancs, l'incident est un exemple du racisme présent dans la culture politique de la Saskatchewan et du Canada. Selon moi, le processus du colonialisme est à la base de l'idéologie raciste qui est désormais encodée dans les institutions et pratiques culturelles, sociales, politiques, économiques et éducatives, et qui maintient le statu quo de la domination des Blancs. Il est essentiel de confronter le racisme institutionnel et systémique, de déconstruire et de reconstruire la culture politique afin de recouvrer une santé sociale et d'entrevoir un avenir postcolonial. Étant donné la trajectoire démographique de la Saskatchewan, qui suggère dans un avenir rapproché une population en majorité composée de Premières nations, l'incapacité d'enrayer le racisme des Blancs ouvrira la porte à des tensions sociales entre les populations des Premières nations et les autres, mettant en danger la viabilité économique et sociale de la province. Ainsi, établir une politique antiraciste, proactive, de même qu'une stratégie de soutien de la part du public devraient être des priorités pour le gouvernement de la Saskatchewan. La cohésion sociale, condition nécessaire d'une saine citoyenneté et notion d'un intérêt considérable pour les politiciens du provincial, du fédéral et pour les universitaires, est impossible sans qu'on s'attaque à la question du racisme. Je conclus en suggérant que la décolonisation est le projet politique indispensable pour mettre fin à des pratiques systémiques dont on peut soutenir qu'elles ont tué Neil Stonechild, parmi d'autres.

Le colonialisme au Canada constitue un rapport social qui s'accomplit essentiellement au détriment des peuples autochtones. Avec le temps et selon les contextes économiques, technologiques et politiques, les pratiques du colonialisme diffèrent et s'adaptent, mais le rapport de pouvoir qui le sous-tend reste essentiellement un rapport d'exploitation. Cette réalité module le palimpseste canadien et fonde l'ordre actuel des choses. Elle est toutefois régulièrement niée, obscurcie ou légitimée par le recours constant à une panoplie de techniques et de dispositifs intellectuels, mythologiques, politiques, juridiques, culturels et idéologiques, de telle sorte que la majorité des Canadiens l'ignorent. Ils n'ont, en fait, à peu près aucune idée de la situation politico-économique contemporaine des peuples autochtones et ne sont pas en mesure de constater combien ils profitent de privilèges iniques acquis au détriment de ces derniers. Le présent texte tente de faire la lumière sur ce type de rapport de pouvoir et soutient que le Canada ne pourra transcender ses origines coloniales, légitimer son existence, affirmer son identité et devenir une société véritablement postcoloniale sans amorcer au préalable un nécessaire processus de décolonisation et d'« autochtonisation » de l'État.

Colonialism in Canada is a historic & continuing relationship that primarily benefits settler populations at the expense of colonized indigenous nations. The practices of colonialism transform this fraught relationship in the economic, technological, & political contexts of different times, but the basic power relationship is exploitative. The relationship is obscured or legitimated by a variety of intellectual, mythological, political, legal, & cultural propaganda techniques, so that most settler Canadians are oblivious to the history & contemporary politico-economic reality of indigenous peoples, as well as to settler privilege relative to that of indigenous peoples. This paper argues that this relationship must be made visible &, thus, amenable to critical analysis & to politico-economic transformation. Only by engaging in a decolonization process can Canada transcend its colonial origins, legitimize its existence, concretize its identity, & move to a genuinely postcolonial order. Adapted from the source document.

This article explores the concept of citizenship in relation to certain Aboriginal women, whose membership in First Nations is subject to Canadian federal legislation and First Nations constitutions and membership codes. In the struggle for decolonization, Aboriginal peoples use the language of rights - rights to self-determination, and claims of fundamental human rights. The state has injected its limited policy of ''self-government'' into this conversation, characterized by the federal government's preference for delegating administrative powers to Indian Act bands. Since the 1985 Indian Act revisions, bands have been able to control their membership. Where prior to 1985 the federal government implemented sexist, racist legislation determining band membership, now some bands have racist, sexist membership codes. In both cases, the full citizenship capacity of affected Aboriginal women, in either the colonial state or in First Nations, is impaired. The bands in question resist criticism by invoking rights claims and traditional practices; the federal government washes its hands in deference to self-government. The rights claims of affected women are scarcely acknowledged, much less addressed. Meanwhile, their citizenship in both dominant and Aboriginal communities is negotiated with the realities of colonialism, racism and sexism. Their experience demonstrates the limitations of citizenship theory and of Canadian citizenship guarantees.

This article explores the concept of citizenship in relation to certain Aboriginal women, whose membership in First Nations is subject to Canadian federal legislation & First Nations constitutions & membership codes. In the struggle for decolonization, Aboriginal peoples use the language of rights -- rights to self-determination & claims of fundamental human rights. The state has injected its limited policy of "self-government" into this conversation, characterized by the federal government's preference for delegating administrative powers to Indian Act bands. Since the 1985 Indian Act revisions, bands have been able to control their membership. Where prior to 1985 the federal government implemented sexist, racist legislation determining band membership, now some bands have racist, sexist membership codes. In both cases, the full citizenship capacity of affected Aboriginal women, in either the colonial state or in First Nations, is impaired. The bands in question resist criticism by invoking rights claims & traditional practices; the federal government washes its hands in deference to self-government. The rights claims of affected women are scarcely acknowledged, much less addressed. Meanwhile, their citizenship in both dominant & Aboriginal communities is negotiated with the realities of colonialism, racism, & sexism. Their experience demonstrates the limitations of citizenship theory & of Canadian citizenship guarantees. Adapted from the source document.