Suchergebnisse

Cuban-Americans are changing their attitudesabout many of the key components of current US/Cuba policy. The paper explores some of the socialforces creating the patterns associated with thechanging attitudes. Based on the data from the2014 Cuba Poll, a descriptive analysis ofrelationships among key demographic variablesuncovers compelling patterns associated with theideological shift occurring in the population.Specifically, the patterns associated with ideologyshifts and time of arrival of the migrant aswell as his/her age and political party preferenceare explored. The paper makes clear that the newarrivals to Miami, as well as the younger Cubans,are significantly more interested in normalizingrelations with the home country. Unfortunately, alarge majority of the new arrivals (migrating since1995), are not citizens and therefore not able toparticipate in the electoral processes that shapeU.S. policy towards the island.Los cubano-americanos están cambiando susactitudes acerca de muchos de los componentesclave de la política actual de Estados Unidos haciaCuba. El artículo explora algunas de las fuerzas socialesque crean los patrones asociados a esas actitudescambiantes. En base a los datos del 2014Cuba Poll, un análisis descriptivo de las relacionesentre las variables demográficas clave, el texto descubrepatrones de peso asociados con el cambioideológico que ocurre en la población. En concreto,patrones asociados con los cambios y el tiempode llegada de los migrantes, así como su edady preferencia de partido político o de ideología.El documento deja claro que las personas reciénllegadas a Miami, así como los jóvenes cubanos,están significativamente más interesados en lanormalización de las relaciones con su país de origen.Por desgracia, la gran mayoría de los reciénllegados (desde 1995), no son ciudadanos estadounidensesy, por tanto, no pueden participar enlos procesos electorales que dan forma a la políticade Estados Unidos hacia la isla.

Este estudio de caso explora la manera como la técnica organizacional de los círculos de calidad (CC) fue utilizada por una compañía del suroeste de los Estados Unidos como parte de su estrategia antisindical global durante una campaña de organización de un sindicato. El autor explora cómo la organización del proceso social de producción dentro de esta técnica de relaciones humanas de grupos pequeños, un componente común de muchos programas de calidad de vida en el trabajo en centenares de industrias norteamericanas, aumentó el control que los supervisores y gerentes tenían sobre la actitud y el comportamiento de los empleados durante la campaña de organización de un importante sindicato. Este tipo de técnica de "gerencia participativa" sirvió al propósito corporativo de permanecer sin sindicato al afectar elementos vitales de la cultura de la planta. Específicamente, el programa de CC permitió a la gerencia ejercer un control creciente sobre la selección y la socialización de la fuerza de trabajo así como sobre las relaciones de trabajo y los modelos de liderazgo que surgieron en la planta durante la campaña. El autor sostiene que en vez de ser una técnica escogida para la planta básicamente en razón de su potencial de democratización y beneficios de productividad, el programa de círculo de calidad fue escogido específicamente como una alternativa a la sindicalización de la planta y, como tal, se desarrolló como una efectiva y sofisticada herramienta para "reventar al sindicato" durante la campaña.

Examines the Cuban enclave in Miami, FL, to argue that it has broadened economic & political opportunities for Cuban Americans & other Latinos, but has created social, cultural, economic, & political structures that separate the Latino community from that of African Americans, resulting in increased friction. The history of Miami's Cuban community is traced from its formation in the early 1960s to the present, noting that they enjoy a relatively high income rate, & a considerably lower poverty rate than Latinos in other parts of the US. It is contended that the Cuban community's strong solidarity & self-imposed segregation, along with the extensive aid the US government has showered upon them, have caused intense conflict with the black community. While black perceptions of Cuban Americans have worsened over time, the Cubans have continued to ignore their point of view. Prospects for the future are discussed, & it is concluded that the outlook is not hopeful in spite of sporadic attempts at interracial cooperation. 33 References. J. Lindroth

Examines the Cuban enclave in Miami, FL, to argue that it has broadened economic & political opportunities for Cuban Americans & other Latinos, but has created social, cultural, economic, & political structures that separate the Latino community from that of African Americans, resulting in increased friction. The history of Miami's Cuban community is traced from its formation in the early 1960s to the present, noting that they enjoy a relatively high income rate, & a considerably lower poverty rate than Latinos in other parts of the US. It is contended that the Cuban community's strong solidarity & self-imposed segregation, along with the extensive aid the US government has showered upon them, have caused intense conflict with the black community. While black perceptions of Cuban Americans have worsened over time, the Cubans have continued to ignore their point of view. Prospects for the future are discussed, & it is concluded that the outlook is not hopeful in spite of sporadic attempts at interracial cooperation. 33 References. J. Lindroth

ObjectivesWe test the hypothesis that exile politics—measured by support for anti‐Castro policies—contribute to the overwhelming preference for the Republican Party among South Florida's Cuban Americans.MethodsLogistic regression is used to analyze six surveys conducted in South Florida between 1995 and December 2008.ResultsAmong Cuban Americans in Miami‐Dade County, measures of exile politics account for a recent downward shift in Republican registration, as well as for much of the variation in Republican registration by race and age. Also, measures of exile politics partly explain differences between Cubans and non‐Cubans with regard to partisan preference.ConclusionAlthough some scholars argue that domestic issues have taken a back seat in guiding party preferences for Miami's Cubans, a decline in support for anti‐Castro policies appears to have created a greater opening for domestic concerns in the 2008 election cycle.