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First published online: 27 January 2020 ; The article analyses the Civic Circles Movement that paved the way for Viktor Orban's Fidesz party from the opposition to enduring political rule. It is demonstrated that through extending and connecting the right's grassroots networks and hierarchical organisations, reinventing its holidays and heroes, and mobilising followers for contention, the movement has transformed civil society. The article contributes to the recent literature on illiberal parties and leaders by showing that the civic activism of educated middle-class supporters may be as important for their rise and resilience in power as the votes of less educated groups within their constituency.

Starting in 2010, the Fidesz party achieved in a row six (partly landslide) victories at municipal, national, and European Parliament elections. Not questioning other explanations, my ongoing research traces the remarkable resilience of the ruling party above all to earlier "tectonic" shifts in civil society, which helped the Right accumulate ample social capital well before its political triumph. This process was decisively advanced by the Civic Circles Movement founded by Viktor Orbán after the lost election of 2002. This movement was militant in terms of its hegemonic aspirations and collective practices; massive in terms of its membership and activism; middle-cIass based in terms of social stratification; and dominantly metropolitan and urban on the spatial dimension. Parallel to contentious mobilization, the civic circles re-organized and extended the Right's grass-roots networks, associations, and media; rediscovered and reinvented its holidays and everyday life-styles, symbols, and heroes; and explored innovative ways for cultural, charity, leisure, and political activities. Leading activists, among them patriots, priests, professionals, politicians, and pundits, offered new frames and practices for Hungarians to feel, think, and act as members of "imagined communities": the nation, Christianity, citizenry, and Europe.

AbstractThe essay identifies two main dangers to East Central Europe's young democracies: 'hollowing,' or declining popular involvement in democracy, and 'backsliding,' or destabilization and reverting to semi‐authoritarian practices. It traces the malaise of some but not all postsocialist democracies to varied combinations of hollowing and backsliding. The main finding is an intricate pattern: in some cases the two syndromes coincide, in others they do not. There is also significant cross‐country variation in the gravity of syndromes. The region's pure neoliberal capitalist regimes are likelier to undermine popular political participation than those, which try to balance marketization with relatively generous social protection for its losers. At the same time, the article finds that while the hollowing of democracy before the global financial crisis has not necessarily been a curse, the massive participation of citizenry prior to the crisis has not been a generalized blessing from the viewpoint of democracy's resilience. This is substantiated by a comparative case study of Hungary and Latvia with lessons for activists of democracy promotion and civil society development.

This article introduces the individual contributions to this issue, which takes stock of the results of the first decade of eastern enlargement of the EU. Combining the insights of the study of industrial relations and social movement theory, the analysis focuses on what Central and Eastern European trade unions have done to benefit from new opportunities and mitigate new risks in good times and bad. The article proposes that while during the first decade after enlargement the hollowing and backsliding of industrial democracy made it difficult for organized workers to make their voices heard via collective bargaining, there have been tectonic shifts in labour's typical voices of discontent. Aggrieved employees have protested less through strikes at the workplace in their capacity as workers empowered by labour's collective rights and in alliance with fellow workers. Instead, the repertoire of contention has been dominated by demonstrations in the public space by public sector employees, who have relied on their citizenship rights shared with fellow citizens and have sought the support of civil society organizations.