Suchergebnisse

In mainstream theory, growth is explained fully by elements of the supply side. In this article, we depart from neoclassical mechanisms and suggest a hybrid approach that allows for growth restrictions induced by demand-side elements. We obtain such demand-restricted growth by suggesting an unconventional equilibrium concept in a stochastic environment. We define macroeconomic equilibrium as stationary no-expectation-error equilibrium. This equilibrium concept relates to the Nash idea of individual stationary behavior as long as expectations prove to be realized. No rigidities are introduced. Even if potential growth is generated by technical change and capital accumulation, the growth path is restricted by effective earnings and can be stable below the neoclassical path of potential growth. However, the growth process mutates to the neoclassical process if effective earnings and potential earnings equalize. Therefore, our hybrid model could help to bridge a gap between Keynesian and neoclassical ideas of economic growth. JEL Classifications: E12, E13, O40, E60

Climate change is a phenomenon leading to randomly distributed disasters around the globe. Due to massive economic and technical asymmetry between the advanced North and the developing South efficient climate and industrial policy is particular difficult. Globally efficient policy would need to equip the South with pollution reducing technologies. However, there is a tradeoff between capital accumulation for consumption growth and low-carbon development. The pollution stock affecting today's climate was historically accumulated by the North, therefore, the 'ability-to-pay principal' and the 'polluter pays principle' suggest to allocate the main burden of climate change policy to the advanced economies.

"This book combines theoretical and empirical research across various academic disciplines, including economics, psychology, neuroscience, philosophy, and political science, to describe why individuals adopt political ideologies and how this choice can potentially exacerbate conflict and violence. Ideology is particularly important to conflict. Data on intra- and international conflict shows that the number of ideologically driven conflicts has increased tremendously in recent decades. Although some researchers have started to investigate extensively the link between ideology and conflict, they struggle to find holistic explanations through which ideologies might shape conflict. This book addresses this effort by providing an interrelated multidisciplinary framework to explain the multidimensional functions of ideology. It illustrates that ideologies are not only capable of shaping conflictual behavior or mobilizing political actors, but also of addressing human needs, desires, and preferences. Hence, this book seeks to explain how individuals adopt ideologies that match their underlying needs and preferences; that ideologies have the capacity to reconcile deprived psychological human needs; and that radical groups and organizations use ideologies to recruit individuals and pursue their objectives. To understand these relationships better and to apply the theoretical background to real-world situations, we include real-life cases that describe how depriving individuals of resources that satisfy their underlying needs and preferences can lead them to adopt particular ideologies that are disseminated by radical groups or organizations. These radical groups or organizations then make decisions, which can potentially lead to conflict onset and continuous long-term struggles"--

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After the 9/11 attacks in particular, there has been a controversial discussion in the academic and public arena on whether the United States' close relationship with Israel has made it a likelier target of transnational terrorism. Indeed, foreign terrorist organizations with various ideological profiles have repeatedly justified attacks against U.S. interests as punishment for the (purported) special relationship between the United States and Israel. We analyze the effect of various measures of U.S. support for Israel (e.g. U.S. military assistance to Israel) on anti-American terrorism for the period 1970–2014. Using both time-series and panel approaches, we do not find that more U.S. support for Israel systematically translates into more anti-American terrorism. Rather, other systemic (e.g. U.S. dominance in the international system) and local conditions (e.g. local state failure) are found to predict the patterns of anti-American terrorism. However, as a qualification to these general findings, we also provide some (preliminary) evidence that for terrorism originating from the Middle East and Northern Africa a favorable U.S. policy stance towards Israel may indeed contribute to more anti-American terrorism.