Suchergebnisse

THE AUTHORS STUDY THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN BLACK POPULATION AND CONGRESSIONAL LIBERALISM IN RECENT DECADES, DISAGGREGATED BY REGION. THEY SHOW THAT DIFFERENT TYPES OF CONSTITUENCY EFFECTS HAVE APPLIED IN DIFFERENT PERIODS AHD IN DIFFERENT REGIONS OF THE UNITED STATES. THEY LOOK AT THE POTENTIAL POLITICAL IMPLICATIONS OF DISTRICTING SCHEMES THAT EITHER CONCENTRATE OR DISPERSE BLACK POPULATION ACROSS CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS. THEY SHOW HOW SUCH REDISTRICTING CHOICES MIGHT BE EXPECTED TO AFFECT MEAN CONGRESSIONAL LIBERALISM AND TO AFFECT THE LIKELIHOOD THAT DEMOCRATS WILL BE ELECTED TO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES IN THE 1990'S. THEY ALSO EXPLORE THE CLAIM THAT CREATING BLACK-MAJORITY DISTRICTS REDUCES THE MEAN POLICY LIBERALISM OF CONGRESS BY LEADING TO REPUBLICAN AND CONSERVATIVE GAINS IN DISTRICTS THAT HAVE BEEN STRIPPED OF BLACK VOTERS.

CONVENTIONAL WISDOM CLAIMS THAT THE SENATE IS MORE LIBERAL THAN THE HOUSE. THIS GREATER LIBERALISM HAS BEEN ATTRIBUTED TO BOTH INSTITUTIONAL AND DEMOGRAPHIC DIFFERENCES IN THE CONSTITUENCY BASE OF EACH BRANCH OF LEGISLATURE. THE AUTHORS OF THIS ARTICLE ARGUE THAT THE PARTY COMPOSITION OF EACH BRANCH IS A CENTRAL DETERMINANT OF THE RELATIVE LIBERALISM OF THE TWO BRANCHES. HOWEVER, EVEN WHEN PARTY AND DEMOGRAPHIC VARIABLES ARE CONTROLLED, THEY FIND A SMALL BUT STATISTICALLY SIGNIFICANT INSTITUTIONAL EFFECT--WITH THE SENATE ON AVERAGE THE MORE LIBERAL BODY FROM 1960 TO 1989. THIS FINDING IS FURTHER CONFIRMED WHEN THEY EXAMINE THE DATA ON ADA SCORES OF REPRESENTATIVES AND SENATORS FROM THE STATES WHICH ELECT A SINGLE REPRESENTATIVE--STATES FOR WHICH THE HOUSE AND SENATORIAL CONSTITUENCY ARE IDENTICAL. IN THESE STATES, THE AUTHORS FIND THAT DEMOCRATIC SENATORS ARE ON AVERAGE SLIGHTLY TO THE LEFT OF DEMOCRATIC REPRESENTATIVES AND REPUBLICAN SENATORS ARE ALSO ON AVERAGE SLIGHTLY TO THE LEFT OF REPUBLICAN REPRESENTATIVES.