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This publication is a kind of afterword to the previous article by the same author, printed in MEMO Journal, 2015, no. 2. The article was received by the editorial board in October 2014.The afterword was caused by extraordinary events in the Swedish politics in December 2014. In the Riksdag in early December, the government lost a vote on the budget, due to the Swedish Democrats voting in favour of the centre-right opposition proposal. In return, the government announced snap elections for March 22nd, 2015, which officially were supposed to be confirmed on 29th December. The most likely outcome of these elections would have been a recurrence of the main result of the September elections, that is, the position of the Swedish Democrats as kingmaker. To avoid dependence on the Swedish Democrats, on December 27th, the government parties and the centre-right opposition signed an agreement that made it possible for a minority government to get its own budget approved. Thus, the agreement brought the country out of parliamentary deadlock and enabled her to regain control, but deprived the Swedish Democrats of the effectiveness of voting and by that ignored the will of their electorate. In Sweden, the agreement was given the opposite evaluations. Despite being tactically effective, the agreement has not solved the problem of the Swedish Democrats and especially anti-immigration sentiments in the society that the party reflects. The deal of the government and the centre-right opposition is a political-technological solution to this problem, whereas there needs to be found a political one. A dialogue between the parties of the establishment with the Swedish Democrats is needed, leading to some compromise. Probably, for the first time since the 1930's, the Swedish establishment has begun to lose its appreciation of the necessity for political compromise. However, some signs of understanding the necessity of reforming immigration policy are already visible; this is evidenced by the statements of a number of establishment politicians.

Traditional stability of the Swedish legislative and executive authorities functioning, manifested in the almost complete absence of parliamentary and governmental crises, was questioned by results of the general elections in September 2014. The Alliance of four center-right parties who ruled Sweden from 2006 to 2014 suffered a defeat having lost 32 of 173 mandates. Simultaneously, the informal coalition of three center-left parties that opposed to the Alliance in 2006-2014 increased its representation in the Riksdag from 156 to 159 deputies only. Thus, none of the two inter-party blocks has the absolute parliamentary majority (175) needed for the formation of the own government. At the same time, Sweden Democrats who first entered the Riksdag in 2010 have significantly increased their faction (from 20 to 49 deputies) and thereby strengthened their king maker position (holding the balance of power) in the new parliament. Yet this party is isolated and excluded from the cross-party interaction in the Riksdag because of its Islamofobia and anti-immigrant attitudes. The new government of minority (the Social Democrats and the Green Party) was approved by the Riksdag due to the negative parliamentarism principle which means that the government shall be deemed approved if it does not receive the absolute majority of votes against it. However, many subsequent government bills submitted to the Riksdag are likely to be rejected by the opposition parties of the Alliance with assistance of the Sweden Democrats. To avoid such situation, the government parties have to bargain with smaller center-right parties on particular issues and thus to form a required ad hoc parliamentary majority. After the last elections, the political establishment parties became much more dependent in their interaction on the Sweden Democrats' unpredictable behavior than before. All of these factors greatly complicate the Riksdag's and the government's work as well as sharply increase risks of governmental and parliamentary crises even to the extent of the government's resignation and pre-term elections. It is unusual for Sweden where such elections last took place in 1958.

Since the turn of the 1980–90s the Swedish society has undergone fundamental changes. It has altered the vector of the socioeconomic development. The social democrats have lost their position as the dominant party. They changed the course of the governmental policy from social-state to liberal one that was taken over and strengthened by the government of center-right parties after their victory in the 2006 and 2010 general elections. The social democrats have found themselves in the unprecedented since 1917 long opposition. All of this means that, despite keeping predominance of the institutional-redistributive principle of social policy, the former model of societal development has in essence consigned to history.

This publication presents information of the roundtable which took place in the editorial office of the MEMO Journal in April 2013. The roundtable participants' presentations aimed at analysing of the most important Ukraine political development aspects and tendencies, as well as educing of probable scenarios of the Ukrainian internal dynamics in the coming years. In particular, it was suggested that the Ukrainian policy fluctuation amplitude will nothing but increase.

In the article, the phenomenon of flexicurity (flexible security) as an interesting attempt to initiate the change of the employment-employee bond character, according to new social and technological conditions, is analyzed in a broad problem-country context. Amid cross-country comparisons, the specificity of Denmark's and partly the Netherlands' labor market (where the indicated phenomenon developed foremost) is explored.

The article proposes an analysis of the phenomenon of flexicurity (flexible security) in a broad problem-country context. Flexicurity is an interesting attempt to initiate a change of employment of the employee in accordance with the new social and technological conditions. Against the background of cross-country comparisons the author reveals the specific features of the Danish labor market and, partly, of the Netherlands's one. There the considered phenomenon has received the greatest development.

The article analyses results of Swedish parliamentary elections in September 2010. The author regards them as another manifestation of the fact that Sweden is losing peculiarity of its social development model. This is a result of the end of an era of two-block party structure of the Riksdag (left and right centers) and of the domination of Social Democrats in the political life of the country. The new third political force – the party of Swedish Democrats which strongly opposes the other culture immigration – is detail regarded.

The publication represents the outcomes of the regular academic seminar "Modern problems of development" conducted by the IMEMO Center of the problems of development and modernization. The relationships between the Center and the Periphery, the prospects for the development of the North and the South in the light of Kondrat'ev's long cycles theory, new technological modes and transformation of social institutions are discussed. For the next ten years the major conflicts in the Middle East, Central Asia, Pakistan, Afghanistan and the Korean peninsula are forecasted.

This publication represents the material of the regular academic seminar "Modern problems of development" conducted by the IMEMO Center for the problems of development and modernization. The relationships between Center and Periphery, prospects for the development of the North and the South in the light of Kondratiev's long cycles theory, new technological modes and transformation of social institutions are discussed. It is forecasted that in the next ten years we will see new major conflicts in the Middle East, Central Asia, Pakistan, Afghanistan and the Korean Peninsula.

This publication presents regular materials of the scientific workshop "Modern Development Problems", hosted by Dr. V. Khoros, head of Center for Development and Modernization Studies at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. A spokesperson is V.A. Krasil'shchikov, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Section at IMEMO. Human Development Index calculated by the UN since 1980s on the basis of GDP per capita, lifespan and education of population is chosen as a primary criterion.

This publication presents regular materials of the scientific workshop "Modern Development Problems", hosted by Dr. V. Khoros, head of Center for Development and Modernization Studies at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. A spokesperson is V.A. Krasil'shchikov, Dr. Sci. (Economics), Head of Section at IMEMO. Human Development Index calculated by the UN since 1980s on the basis of GDP per capita, lifespan and education of population is chosen as a primary criterion.

This publication presents regular materials of the scientific workshop "Modern Development Problems" hosted by Dr. V. Khoros, head of Center for Development and Modernization Studies at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences. A spokesperson is V. Inozemtsev, head of Center for Post-Industrial Studies at IMEMO. It is referred to strategies aimed at closing down the gap to a leading country. Within such approach it is attempted to expose common features of modernizations and classify them.