Suchergebnisse

Football stadiums are one of the places where nationalistic views are presented. This is done by means of displays held by organised supporters – ultras. This study aims to examine (1) to what extent the postulates of performative national ideology presented by ultras in Polish stadiums are shared by fans of Polish football clubs; and (2) whether they translate into corresponding attitudes at the individual level. The study is based on a survey conducted on a sample representative for Polish citizens (N = 4030) from which football fans were extracted (N = 643). The results show that being a fan of a Polish football club accounts for significantly higher scores on postulates referring to ethnic and racial criteria of national identity, belief in permanent struggle of nations, small nation type of collective memory and glorification of past war heroes. They also indicate that a higher level of acceptance of these postulates by fans predicts higher levels of prejudice against minorities and other nations, and higher levels of national pride.

This article presents the results of a study on the historical development of nationalist discourse in Polish football stands. Its main objectives are: (a) to reveal the processes shaping the ultras' nationalist discourse; and (b) to explain how it has been institutionalised and reproduced. Drawing on the post-foundational discourse analysis, the study conceptualises nationalist discourse as a set of structurally arranged practices of articulation which create a meaning of nation. In order to reconstruct the development of ultras' nationalist discourse the study uses content analysis of nation-related ultras' displays from 2002 to 2018 recaptured from the TMK ( To My Kibice, We, the fans) fanzine created by supporters and dedicated to football fan culture in Poland. The analysis identifies a sequence of four different forms of ultras' nationalist discourse in the period under consideration and shows that they have been shaped by a contingency logic; that is, by rules stemming from the existing practices of articulation, rather than by the logic of ideological cohesion.

AbstractDrawing on a post-structuralist, post-Marxist discursive approach to nation, this paper aims to (1) explore the constitutive elements of the national ideology of Polish ultras, (2) study what means of expression are used in their choreographies in order to disseminate their vision of the nation, and (3) map the events that stimulate the production of choreographies related to national issues. The study is based on the content analysis of ultras' displays using data from a print fanzine devoted to football fandom culture in Poland. The results indicate that the national ideology of Polish ultras can be viewed as a resistance ideology. They also reveal that the national ideology of ultras is only presented in particular contexts and is not a dominant issue in their performances. The study introduces the concept ofoccasional nationalism, which can be a useful analytical tool to map and quantify the presence of nation in practices of articulation of a particular community.

Artykuł skupia się na problematyce kibicowskiego ruchu "socios" w Polsce. Jego celem jest 1) opisanie socjogenezy tego ruchu w Polsce, 2) charakterystyka relacji pomiędzy kibicami w ramach poszczególnych stowarzyszeń "socios" oraz 3) relacji tych organizacji ze swoimi klubami. Taki porządek umożliwi następnie analizę potencjału ruchu "socios" do zwiększenia inkluzywności w relacjach klubów z kibicami i dzięki temu do tworzenia się "łączącego" kapitału społecznego zarówno pomiędzy kibicami danego klubu, jak i kibicami i klubami. Podstawą empiryczną przedstawianego artykułu jest studium przypadku dwóch stowarzyszeń typu "socios" w Polsce: Stowarzyszenia "Socios Górnik" – działającego przy klubie Górnik Zabrze oraz Stowarzyszenia "Socios Stomil" – wspierającego klub Stomil Olsztyn. Wyniki badania wskazują na responsywny charakter ruchu spowodowany zagrożeniem poczucia "własności kulturowej" klubu. Co więcej, jest on w dużej mierze inspirowany przez fanów niezwiązanych do tej pory ze zorganizowanym środowiskiem kibiców piłkarskich obu klubów – nazwanych w pracy "nowymi aktywistami". Relacje w ramach organizacji regulowane są prawnie, jednak w ramach wspólnych działań wytwarzają się również mniej formalne relacje, a w konsekwencji zaufanie między liderami stowarzyszeń. Analizowane przypadki różnią się również efektywnością działań na rzecz zwiększenia inkluzywności klubu w relacjach z kibicami. Badanie wskazuje, że głównymi przyczynami tych różnic są: odmiennie definiowana przez obie organizacje inkluzywność, upolitycznienie konfliktu z klubem oraz zależność finansowa od właściciela – miasta.

The purpose of the presented study is to understand and describe the mechanisms for generating social capital in the groups of devoted football supporters in Poland, by: (a) exploring those features of football supporters' social structures that are essential for creating social capital and enabling them to maintain it within those groups; and (b) trying to identify the historical processes which foster emergence of these features in supporters' social structures. The presented analysis is part of a wider research project on Polish football supporters' social capital. It draws on a qualitative approach based on the triangulation of a variety of methods: on-going ethnography, participant observation, individual interviews and content analysis (internet forums, book biographies, magazines, zines and qualitative research materials from previous research). Drawing on Coleman's concept, this study identifies the presence of specific forms of social capital ( appropriate social organization, obligations and expectations, norms and effective sanctions and information channels) and internal factors ( ideology, closure and stability) facilitating maintenance of this 'source' in the structures of devoted supporters' groups in Poland. The results show also that social capital is created on the stands and then transferred to the other areas of social life. Furthermore, the social capital used in areas other than where it was first created can strengthen efficiency and trust in the original organization. Further, external factors like the co-production process and 'war' with the state are considered as variables fostering the emergence of social capital in the analysed structures. However, these same external factors also made those structures very exclusive.

The article explores the biographical process of becoming a nationalist activist in the environment of Polish football supporters. Analysing the issue in focus, it also aims to show how the biographical approach can be a useful method to study the processes of reproduction of bottom–up nationalism in general. To this end, we use the classic theoretical approach of Thomas and Znaniecki to explore autobiographical narratives from interviews with 35 nationalist activists from supporter groups of Polish football clubs. The analysis identifies three patterns of the process of becoming a nationalist activist, which are described as patterns typical of keepers, the awakened and followers. The study indicates that the national-martyrological attitude is the foundation of the distinguished paths, and shows how the supporter environment develops the national-martyrological attitude into nationalist activism.

The article aims to analyse the evolution of governmental policy in regard to football-related violence in Poland. The investigation is seen through a broader political prism of the country's modernization efforts that were symbolically framed by two major events: the partially free parliamentary elections in 1989 and the finals of Euro 2012 co-hosted by Poland. The paper offers a discussion on policy dynamics stemmed from politicization and instrumentalization of the complex problem of hooliganism. By doing so, it demonstrates how, under external political pressure and in search for internal popularity, the governments introduced superficial legal and institutional solutions thoughtlessly imitating policies adopted in other countries (mainly England), and how this approach led to masking and sidelining social problems rather than offering actual solutions.